Aggression and Defense

Since Wednesday, March 24, 1999, at 8:00 p.m. our country is at war.  At that moment NATO planes carried our the first attack against FR Yugoslavia - historians assert it to be the first attack on a sovereign country since the founding of this organization.  The news about the attack on Yugoslavia was issued by NATO General Secretary, Xavier Solana, it seems at the very moment that bombs were already falling.  Namely, fifteen minutes before 8 o'clock powerful detonations were heard in the vicinity of Pristina at 30 second intervals, coming from the direction east of the city.  After the explosions, electricity went out.  The city became completely desolate, while sporadic machine gun fire could be heard in the streets.  A correspondent of the Beta Agency reported that in certain part of Pristina, anti-aircraft artillery fire could be seen in the vicinity of the Slatina airport.  After the explosions, sirens began to whale throughout the city, while an ambulance hurtled through the center of the city, going in the direction of Pristina's hospital.  Police patrolled Pristina.  The attack on Pristina was evidently expected.  Already around 6:50 p.m., sirens sounded in Pristina three times in short intervals.  Serbian government sources in Pristina claimed that what is at issue is yet another exercise.

Prior to that the Commander of the Third Yugoslav Army, Lieutenant General Nebojsa Pavkovic announced that the danger of NATO air strikes is real, that the members of his army are ready to contend with NATO air strikes, to deal with their effects, and that they "have a clear objective of defending the integrity of Serbia and the FRY, to deal with the remaining terrorist separatist forces in Kosovo and Metohija, and to stand in the way of every NATO attempt to infiltrate that territory.  This is what we will do," observed Pavkovic.

According to Yugoslav Army Headquarters reports 10 were killed and 38 wounded, with one soldier missing, in NATO air force and cruise missile attacks.  A Yugoslav federal minister stated for CNN that at least ten civilians have been reported killed.  "In numerous fighter aircraft and cruise missile attacks by NATO forces - USA, Great Brittain, France, Canada, Italy, Germany and Spain - in the aggression against FR Yugoslavia, army units, formations and military objects on the entire territory of our country were targeted," the Headquarters report indicates, specifying that over 50 military facilities have been shot, including industrial facilities of military significance: UTVA Factory in Pancevo, Air Force Institute "Moma Stanojlovic" and the "Milan Blagojevic" Enterprise in Lucani.  NATO forces attacked military targets in Montenegro - the Golubovci airport near Podgorica, military facilities near Danilovgrad and equipment on the Lustic peninsula.

As our Podgorica correspondent reports, recruits at the police academy in Danilovgrad were housed only several hundred meters away from the destroyed barracks.  Some reports indicate that another target was also shot, perhaps the radar on the hill of Mavrijan, near Ulcinj.  The civilian airport of Golubovci in Podgorica has been closed down, even though one report indicates that the NATO attack began minutes after the landing of a Yugoslav Airline Transport plane which carried civilians from Belgrade.  The description is dramatic: airplane on the runway, doors being opened in pitch black darkness, something is burning in the military section of the airport, while passengers are being evacuated, literally crawling to safety.  The citizens of Podgorica, looking on from the top of a high-rise, watched a thick column of smoke from while the deafening sound of fighter airplanes was audible.  Reminiscent of Londoners dubbed "top ruff society" who used to salute German bombers during raids over London, Montenegrin youths gathered in front of buildings "saluted" NATO planes with "Clinton, we'll fuck you over!"

During the first night, NATO attacked targets in Belgrade: Batajnica, Rakovica and Zarkovo.  The same evening, the airplane factory "Lola-Utva" was hin in Pancevo.  Radio Pancevo reported that fire broke out in three places in the factory building.  From Belgrade, the orange light of the fires could be seen in Pancevo.  A building fifty meters away from the explosion was hit with enormous shrapnel or something else, its roof and top floor destroyed, although no one was hurt.  The explosion could be heard as far as Mladenovac, with the fire visible as far as the Yugoslav Army barracks in Vrbica.  The explosion was also audible in the region of Ralje.  Three projectiles hit the training center of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP), northwest of central Novi Sad.  This center is located close to the enterprise of "Tehnogas", and as Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) reports, there were no victims, with material damages however being estimated as great.  After those explosions, in the territory of Novi Sad more detonations could be heard.  Who knows where else on the territory of Serbia and Montenegro the cynically dubbed "Decisive Action" was being carried out.  In evening hours Radio Belgrade reported that enemy airplanes are targeting Pristina, Kursumlija, Uzice, Danilovgrad, Novi Sad, Pancevo and Podgorica, in the first wave of air strikes.  Kraljevo Television reported that a smaller projectile exploded next to the airport runway in Ladjevci, with no reported casualties.  Kragujevac was bombed several times, with attacks continuing into Thursday.  On the first evening about ten explosions were audible in Kursumlija, of which four to five were located in the direction of the barracks which are surrounded by a civilian settlement.  According to Beta Agency reports, a barracks which is located one kilometer from the center of the city was targeted in Kursumlija.

Immediately following reports of NATO aggression, Yugoslav state television began broadcasting the war film "Kozara" which deals with the subject of the people's resistence during the Second World War.  On Thursday morning the Headquarters of the Yugoslav Army began informing the public that the Yugoslav Army's response is in keeping with our maximum potentials, and that in the unequal air force clashes two enemy aircraft and several cruse missiles were downed.

Italian television and the German ARD reports about one or two downed NATO airplanes were confirmed by some agencies, and not by others.  However, the intervention command headquarters announced on Thursday morning that all NATO airplanes came back to base on Thursday morning at 5:45 a.m., while General Wesley Clark responded that NATO forces downed two Yugoslav MIG aircraft.  After this announcement, the Yugoslav side kept to its story that it downed two aircraft and many projectiles, while on Thursday morning our air defenses received commendation from the very top.  President of FR Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic, as supreme commander of our armed forces, adopted a decision according to which he issued praise to the Yugoslav Army's War Air Force and Anti-Aircraft Defense forces, as well as to the command of the Yugoslav Army's Third Army and the Pristina Corps.  Milosevic praised those units of the Yugoslav army "for successful execution of their battle tasks in offering resistence to aggression by NATO forces over Yugoslavia."

Yugoslav Federal Premier Momir Bulatovic announced on Wednesday that the Federal Government proclaimed a state of war.  "An attack has been carried out against a sovereign country, contrary to all principles and norms of international law.  That is why from a state of imminent military danger, the Federal Government upgraded its decision to a state of war."

The MUP of Serbia announced that "despite the criminal and extremely violently executed aggression carried out by NATO forces against our country, public peace and order have been maintained across the entire territory of Serbia," with all MUP units operating normally, with a high degree of self-sacrifice and discipline.  MUP also announced that "the lives of citizens across Serbia are unfolding normally, with a high degree of self-awareness and discipline being demonstrated by our citizens."  Schools stopped working, with students being sent for spring vacation early.  On the previous day, Tuesday, Premier Bulatovic announced that because of NATO threats directed against our country, the government has proclaimed a state of imminent military danger which goes into effect immediately.

There was a problem on whether this Federal Government act would be accepted in Montenegro, given that the Government of Montenegro does not acknowledge any decision adopted by the Federal Government.  When the aggression began, that dilemma was broken when the President of Montenegro, Milo Djukanovic addressed citizens: "I address you as the president of all citizens at this moment of trial for Montenegro and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and I call to duty, cooperation and peace, to the overcoming of all disputes and divisions which cost Montenegro dearly throughout its history.  In the interest of the holiest objective - of maintaining Montenegro and the lives of its citizens.  In the name of the future of today's generations and those which will come."

LAST SPRING: Formally the Federal Government adopted its decision on declaring a state of war on the basis of a decision adopted by Federal Government on October 5, 1998, during the previous crisis.  At that time, the danger of war was avoided with the agreement between President Milosevic and the American Envoy Richard Holbrooke on limiting military and police forces in Kosovo, on accepting unarmed international verifying missions and on accepting air surveillance over Kosovo.

By contrast with the happy end in October of '98, the March '99 drama took quite a different turn.  Two hours after Bulatovic's address of the nation, Xavier Solana, NATO General Secretary (who as an "adamant Socialist" used to be opposed to NATO, which some historians call his "youthful error"), announced that he order the NATO Commander for Europe, American General Wesley Clark to undertake air operations against Yugoslavia.  Federal Defense Minister Pavle Bulatovic assessed that military and police targets will be subject to those air strikes, that in this way NATO and the Americans, who have in this way literally become vandals, are standing up in the defense of terrorism, and that being aware of the danger, Yugoslav Army units are spread across their territory in order to avoid and reduce eventual damages and losses.

Negotiations between Slobodan Milosevic and Richard Holbrooke were unsuccessfully concluded on Tuesday afternoon, March 23, after the Yugoslav side failed to accept key American demands - to discontinue its operations in Kosovo and to reduce it military and police presence in this region, and to accept the text of the agreement in the form in which Kosovo's Albanians signed it in Paris with co-signatories, American Ambassador Hill and EU Representative Wolfgang Petrich.

As far as the first demand is concerned, the one dealing with military issues, certain Reuters reports as well as London's BBC shows in English were riddled with speculations that the Yugoslav forces destroyed last week two or three of the total of seven so-called war zones held by the terrorist KLA.  There was even mention that a certain unnamed NATO official answered in response to the question whether NATO is in this way becoming KLA's air force that this has become a moral imperative ever since KLA representatives signed the agreement.  In this context, Holbrooke's demand was understood in Belgrade as an attempt by the Americans to rescue the KLA, which would lead to the disappearance of any motive for the occupation of Kosovo by NATO forces with the objective of peace coming to the territory in the disarming and transformation of the KLA.

Reports of unclear military activities in Kosovo came from all sides nearly one week prior to the culmination of the crisis.
Yugoslav Army Headquarters stated that such information is fabricated and that it originates undeniably with the Kosovo Liberation Army and some foreign factors, and that in Kosovo and Metohija, as part of the territory of the sovereign state of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav Army is merely carrying out its routine operations, and that because of threats directed against our country and the clustering of troupes on our borders the Army is merely taking certain precautionary measures, and will return to its barracks as soon as danger is removed, and will honor all its international commitments.

>From the very synchronized statements by Yugoslav officials and politicians, which did not change in the past week, it is clear that the focus of Belgrade's "no" was on refusing to accept the coming of foreign troupes on the territory of a sovereign country.  The Yugoslav public was frequently being informed about the threat of war, and discretely about what people should do in the event that it comes to that.  Headquarters for alerts and information dissemination were being established in Belgrade.  Besides the passing searches for bottled water, the first critical night did not give any indications of a reaction which pointed to panic or consumer stampedes.  Later, as war slowly came into the country, people quickly got used getting ready for war shortages which will follow a phase of long endurance.  The state of mind was relatively correctly pictured in the expression "somber inevitability", which was coined by a foreign correspondent.  A more precise picture was revealed by the slang expression: "Let them shoot, once and for all, and get it over with!"  Official programs keep repeating the phrase "Kosovo is Serbia!"  Radio B92 which attempted to pacify the citizens during initial hours by broadcasting information in great profusion about the development of the crisis, about bomb shelters and efforts by authorities to operate under threat of war, was closed under false pretense, while its editor, Veran Matic was arrested for questioning.  We believe that the silencing of that radio station is a great shame, especially if we remember with what great self-sacrifice that team worked in 1995 on taking care of refugees from Krajina.

SHADOW OF A THREAT: American officials told Reuters that on Wednesday morning that an attack could be scheduled for Wednesday evening, when clouds are expected to clear over Yugoslavia.  It was reported that eight B-52H bombers stationed in British basis were heading for Yugoslavia; that a certain number of warships left port in Trieste, Italy; that they are headed for the Yugoslav shoreline.  On Thursday morning, press agencies and television stations of interventionist countries announced that the first attack was a success, that NATO is analyzing results and that attacks will likely be continued into Thursday night.  Solana spoke that bombing will be continued for days, not months.  Already by around 9:00 a.m. on Thursday, aggression was continued.  In many cities in Serbia alerts were sounded.  The use of "Tomahawk" rockets was being announced.  Witnesses stated that the Aviano air base saw the liftoff of 12 airplanes, model "A117", as well as warheads "A10", "EA6B", "CF18", "F16", "F15" and "F18" of the USA, British, Spanish, Portuguese and Canadian air forces.  On the first night, NATO airplanes took off from bases in Vicenza, Istrano, Gioia dell Cole and other bases in Italy.

Millions of articles have been written about those implements of destruction, from the Iraq War in 1991 to today, which has been accompanied by a myth of "clean war" which pictures the destruction and dismemberment of airborne bodies as a dot which approaches a square in some video game.  Parallel with this a unique "amorality of pilots" has been cultivated, which must sound attractive to Western bourgeois.  Many peacekeepers have been caught in this trap, so that the aggression against Yugoslavia was being justified as a "moral imperative."  For now the "moral imperative" has as its result the digging of a very deep hole separating Serbia from its European surroundings.  Political scientist, Ranko Petkovic stated in a TV show that he feels just as in 1943, when allies bombed Belgrade and never explained later what was the purpose of that bombing.  Many, however, take their memories back to another bombing - the one from 1941.  A lot of water will need to flow through the Danube before the feeling instilled in people by this bombing is lifted.

The former preoccupation of the Western press for Vietnam when the dirty big picture was coming to light has been reserved to "dirty little wars" and to "bad guys", who needed to be brought to justice.  The majority of the western media is becoming far less reserved about relegating the Serbs (to whom it referred to, until recently, as Milosevic) to that file folder of history.  The British Daily Telegraf appears to have excelled in its hawkishness, having reported that prior to taking pity on the Serbs its readers should remember what the Serbs have done, as the paper demanded that independence be granted immediately to Kosovo, and that Serbs be swiftly bombed.

Several western magazines expressed reservations about the legality and justification of the intervention, as well as about the uncertainty of further developments.  Be that as it may, the development of events was in General Wesley Clark's hands on Wednesday, a man who was wounded in Vietnam, having received recognition for it, according to Reuters.  In this Clark differs from the American President who refused to go to the war in Vietnam, even though he used this argument in explaining the decision about intervention ("Americans know that I don't like war, but...").  Therefore, Clinton expressed unreserved intention of using NATO against "Milosevic", for which he got the approval of Congress (58:41), and it is said about Clark that he has been a champion of bombing for some time now.  Be that as it may, Western militarism had a high level of adrenalin on Wednesday evening.  The mention of biographical details from Vietnam is used here to draw attention to warnings (here they are sometimes pronounced here in the "language of moderation", and sometimes by cautious analysts) that after the intervention the chain of events could take such a turn as to create a new Vietnam, a very bloody ground war.  "Militarist pacifists" simply did not take publicly such a possibility into account and "wagered" on the effect of threats.  It appears that the majority of those who reach decisions in the West have held to the very end that "Milosevic" will give in under threat at the last minute, and when that result was not forthcoming, an eruption of anger broke out for which it is hard to say, as this text is being written, what desolation it could produce.  The assumption that the bombed Serbs, after everything is said and done, will sign that problematic agreement on their knees on Thursday morning, when this text is being written, prove to be unfounded.  Beside collective punishment of Serbs, for now it is not possible to see any apparent purpose in this new war which on the swift wings of "Decisive Action" came to the Central Balkans on Wednesday, March 24.  While the war approached, Serbs kept repeating that they will not step back from the thin red line and that they will defend their country from aggression.  Some people warned of the damage which could arise from too much hotheadedness and of the need for accepting compromise.  They were in the minority, and even those who counseled flexibility, pledged that they will defend the country.

Some signals that perhaps a miracle will happen was "read" by incorrigible optimists in the statement by the German State Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Wolfgang Issinger, who said on Wednesday that "any concession to Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic would inspire the international community for renewing dialogue."  It is a question whether that was an expectation of developments or simply justification of the intervention.  It is also a question what is considered "any concession," after all is said and done.  Yugoslav Ambassador to Moscow, Borislav Milosevic stated on Wednesday that Belgrade is ready to continue talks on a political agreement (for Kosovo) with American Envoy, Richard Holbrooke.  The country's leadership is ready "to solve problems peacefully and to continue talks toward a political agreement which would take into account national and state interests of Serbia and Yugoslavia," stated Milosevic, repeating that if NATO attacks, "a different scenario will develop," adding that in the event of that happening, Belgrade "will count on Russian solidarity and aid."

The text of the "Agreement From Rambouillet" was the subject of discussion at the first regular Spring session of the People's Assembly of Serbia, which was swiftly called several days earlier.  After patriotically intoned discussion, the Assembly adopted two crucial decisions: a) that it does not accept the presence of foreign troupes in Kosovo and Metohija, and b) that it is ready, immediately following the signing of a political agreement on self-rule, which will be agreed upon by representatives of all national communities which live in Kosovo, to consider the extent and character of the international presence in Kosmet (Serbian official terminology uses the terms "Kosovo and Metohija" and "Kosmet", while Albanians and international mediators use the term "Kosovo" - a difference which is dramatically visible elsewhere is also reflected in terminology).  From the development of the discussion in the Assembly it can be ascertained with certainty that the implementation of the agreement which is at issue is the one which was signed in Paris by members of the state delegation and which was submitted to the Contact-Group.  This proposal was openly refused by the American-European side, while the Russian side, right up to the point of culmination of the crisis, did so indirectly, at least judging by statements issued by Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ivanov, who called on the Yugoslav side to sign the agreement in Rambouillet, which the Yugoslav side, as is known, considers non-existent.  The Russian urging of Belgrade for compromise was saluted in the West as "a step in the right direction," as tension grew and the clock kept ticking.

Russians kept repeating their disagreement with military intervention, but it was uncertain to the very end how their reaction to the American resolve for bombing Serbia could appear in practice.

DRAMATIC STEP: It appears that the Americans were demonstrating an excess of arrogance toward Russian in this instance also, so that even a statement by Sandy Burger, Security Advisor to the American President, was released in which he intimated that if the Russian Premier feels ill at ease being in Washington while the Serbs are being bombed, that he is welcome to postpone his visit.  This must have been very insulting for the Russians who are in the process of negotiating some 11 billion dollars (some reports say 15 billion) of new loans, but the Russian Premier Primakov, repeating his opposition to intervention did end up going to Washington.  After speaking to American Vice-President Al Gore, half way on his journey, in a plane over the Atlantic Primakov elected to return back to Moscow.  Reports say that the airplane immediately changed its course by 180 degrees above the Atlantic, heading back to Moscow.  Dmitri Jakuskin announced that Primakov postponed his visit to Washington under orders from his chief of state.  Prior to this Russian President Yeltsin received a letter from American President Bill Clinton on American war targets in the Balkans, but he did not answer it immediately, with Kremlin's response being: "President Yeltsin is studying the letter."  On Wednesday morning statements came in that Yeltsin is preparing a response for Clinton, while other sources indicated that the Russian response could be very powerful, whatever that may mean.  Russians demanded a swift session of the Security Council in the event that the attack is carried out, and said that they will brake the embargo on exporting weapons to Yugoslavia, so that it could be allowed to defend itself in the event of an attack.  News arrived later (Reuters analysis on Wednesday) that Russian could threaten to increase the war readiness of their army and to once again place atomic bombs in Bielorussia, near the Polish border.  Our Moscow correspondent, Branko Stosic writes that prior to Primakov's aborted visit to Moscow, all the old bilateral problems in the relation between Russia and USA are not the least bit smaller than what they used to be.  The unratified Agreement (in Moscow) on limiting strategic nuclear weapons (START-2); the USA intention to unilaterally cancel the older agreement on anti-rocket defense and to return to a new version of "star wars"; Iran as a source of foreign currency for the Russian state treasury and the danger of Russian nuclear technology coming into undesirable hands.

Upon returning to Moscow, Primakov stated: "We do not haggle with our principles, which you will have opportunity to see..."
On Wednesday, Belgrade expected what President Yeltsin will finally say.  In his letter to Clinton, Yeltsin assessed the use of force as unacceptable.  This did not clear things up in the short run.  President Milosevic spoke by phone to Premier Primakov, and Belgrade's statement following the conversation saluted Russia's principled position and that of its President, and it was stated that contact will be continued, although in those dramatic moments it was not clear what was the practical significance of that phone conversation.  Perhaps the Serbian side believes, and appears to be looking for a chance in this, that the latest war crisis can dramatize the issue whether NATO will seize the right to intervene wherever it pleases, and whether Russia will be ignored in the future on such issues.  "I just spoke to (French President) Jacques Chirac and Bill Clinton.  The conversation with Clinton was very long," stated Yeltsin, adding that the two presidents informed him of the beginning of air strikes on targets in Yugoslavia.  "This is an attack on the entire international community," stated the Russian president, assessing that what is at issue is "security of Europe, war in Europe, and maybe beyond.  This is a very serious step, and to take it without the consent of the UN Security Council is more than incomprehensible."  He call on all those who survived war and on their children, and on those who make decisions, to stop Clinton from taking this dramatic step (pronounced in Russian with a deep throat).  Clinton ignored that appeal, gambling on a serious conflict with Russia.  Following this Russian President Boris Yeltsin decided to recall Russia's representative in NATO and freeze Russia's participation in the Partnership for Peace, of which it has been a member since 1997.  He announced that his response could include some military and military-diplomatic measures.  Some reports indicated, but were not reiterated, that the Russian contingent in Bosnia will not obey NATO commands, but only Yeltsin's orders.  According to Itar-tas reports, around 80 Russian representatives in the Kosovo Verification Mission left Macedonia, flying by Airflot back to Moscow.  The Security Council session did not yield any results.

DO YOUR DUTY: President Milosevic addressed the Yugoslav public on Wednesday afternoon, supporting the decision by the Serbian Assembly and Serbian President Milan Milutinovic's engagement, stressing that what is at issue here is not only Kosovo, but the entire country; that the Yugoslav government is determined to continue with the political agreement; that the country will defend itself to the extent necessary, and that everyone will contribute most by doing their duty.  This was not a redefinition of the state of imminent military danger into a state of war, but a call to work, order and peace.  Thus, we remain on the thin red line.

Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's "last word" was broadcast as early as Monday, March 22, by Radio Television Serbia in the form of a written response to Cook and Vedrin, Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Britain and France:

"Honored Ministers...
The talks in Paris about which you say that they have been completed were not even held...
Therefore, my response to your phrase "the deal is on the table" is the following: The only thing that can be on the table is a proposal for an agreement, and an empty table cannot yield an agreement, just as only one side at a table cannot do so also.  Sitting at the table must be those who are affected by the agreement.
As far as your threats of NATO military intervention are concerned, your peoples should feel ashamed of them, for you are getting ready to use force against a small European people because it is protecting its territory from separatism, and its citizens from terrorism, and its historical dignity from thugs, who know neither what is history or what is dignity.

You say that significant movements by our security forces are very worrisome.  If you think that they are worrisome for the separatists who wish to sever a part of the territory of Serbia and Yugoslavia, they should well be so.  If you are thinking about eventual aggressors outside Yugoslavia, they should also be worrisome for them.  Is it possible for anyone normal to think that anyone who is threatened, wont show any intention of defending himself.
You, Honored Sirs, are Ministers of Foreign Affairs of two European countries, and as such you are prominent diplomats, and in that capacity you have the right to mediate, negotiate, represent good will, fight for peace in Europe and the world, and for better relations between peoples, but you do not have the right to threaten other countries and their citizens, nor to order life in them.

I hold to my firm resolution that the problem of Kosovo and Metohija should be solved through peaceful means and through dialogue.  The fact that those negotiations did not take place in Rambouillet and Paris does not meant that they should be given up, at least not from our peace loving, democratic perspective.  Slobodan Milosevic"
EMPTY ROOM: Even though everything was clear on the Serbian side, the discussion in the Serbian Assembly on Tuesday, March 23 was in correlation with the news from Beli Dvor.  When Serbian President Milan Milutinovic stepped to the speaker's box and demanded that the discussion be curbed, because "they" (Americans) only wish to have troupes and just troupes, it was clear that Richard Holborooke, the "bulldozer diplomat" who is described by historian Milan Protic as dangerous and "unburdened by the knowledge of books", will take a very unpleasant letter to Bruxelles.  Somehow, after Milutinovic's speech the news went among the Assembly reporters that Holbrooke had checked out from his room at the Hyatt.  It is said that one of the Yugoslav soccer players observed with disappointment: "They checked out of their rooms in the same way when the match against Ireland was canceled!"  Somehow this news was mixed with the news that UEFA is considering whether to postpone or not the match between Yugoslavia and Croatia.  On Wednesday news came that UEFA is postponing the match for August 18 and the match between Macedonia and Ireland for September 4.  Paradoxically, in such a situation we began to laugh nervously at the thought that UEFA knows something we don't, and which appears not to be known by the majority of the principal actors.

The Serbian Assembly adopted two decisions and five decrees which boil down to a single sentence: "The People's Assembly expresses unanimity in its readiness to defend Serbia and FR Yugoslavia from any aggressor, regardless of what is his name, and regardless of how he might justify his crimes."
Leaving aside the prehistory of that sentence it might determine the probably very dramatic development of events and many individual destinies.  On Wednesday at about three o'clock in the afternoon, near Slavija (near the monument to Dimitrije Tucovic, the Socialist and pacifist who died on Cer Mountain in 1914), as a light breeze which bodes a storm beneath that quite surface, one elderly man was happy to have found salt in a store.  Experience taught him that in such situations it used to be the hardest to get salt.  Common people are getting ready for enduring lengthy hand-to-mouth existence.

After many attempts, one of our reporters managed to get a telephone call through to his mother in a village in Sumadija.  He asked her if she heard the news, and then briefly told her that "a state of war has been declared."  On the other side of the line, all that was heard was: "May God help us..." with a long silence.  An anxious: "Hello, are you there?  Can you hear me?"  Her answer was: "I hear..."

VREME Reporters Team