The Toothless Second Serbia

What can the opposition in Serbia offer its voters and potential followers? An optimal strategy of coming out of the nightmare which has become a daily way of life? No. Any way out? Not exactly. The opposition's advice to citizens is to stock up with medicine, durable foodstuffs and bicycles. The citizens know this. Does the opposition offer some coherent political alternative to what the current regime has created? Something with which those opposed to the idea of a Greater Serbia, isolation and honorable poverty could identify? No. It does not. Some parade with the original idea that ``a representative group of persons'' will travel to Paris, Geneva and Tokyo at the end of the month with the aim of seeking allies for the lifting of sanctions against Serbia and Yugoslavia, ``considering their constructive behavior.'' Others write to U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, saying that he would give ``exceptionally important help to the democratic opposition'' if he were to bring about the lifting of sanctions against JAT (the Yugoslav air company). This is all very nice, but in Krusevac, the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) will win all the points with its initiative for the opening of soup kitchens in which socially endangered persons would be given one free meal every day.

Does the opposition offer an economic program for which the average man can say: ``Yes, this will get me out of the fix I've been pushed into by the authorities?'' It doesn't. Do they offer some concrete help in everyday survival? No. In this respect ADRA, the agency which organizes the collecting and sending of packages to Sarajevo, has won a much higher reputation than any one of the opposition parties.

From the elections up to the present, the opposition has wasted its time bemoaning its fate. The parliamentary majority does not allow for civilized political competition. Speaking of information, Serbian Television continues to be a black hole. The opposition does not have enough gas to visit the interior of the country and so spread its ideas. The authorities threaten and beat, while the people are illiterate, imbued with nationalism, crazed and brainwashed. All this is more or less true, but then, so what? One works with what one has, in conditions in which one finds oneself, and one tries to make things better. Otherwise, there is no need to work at all. What can the citizens find for themselves in parties which complain like housewives at the market?

Even when they are not moaning but looking for something, the people have reached a degree of despair where they have become indifferent to the opposition's problems. Who cares anymore if the Federal and Republican governments have lost practically all control; that we face a ``monetary, and perhaps a total economic collapse,'' and that great responsibility is borne by ``Prime Minister Nikola Sainovic himself.'' What is needed is a change of behavior by the government, but this is tantamount to expecting a wolf to flee from sheep. A session of both parliaments with regard to the economic chaos is needed, and this would be the least the parliaments could do, but such sessions would not change anything, and this is something that the opposition should be aware of.

Why is the opposition behaving in such a spineless manner in times which are crying for a constructive alternative to the regime, its overall policy and results? A part of the answer probably lies in the fact that it had an ambivalent attitude towards the real causes of the current catastrophe in Serbia, above all towards national policy, and therefore towards war. Constantly fearing that it might be perceived as neglecting Serbia's national interests, the opposition too often opposed a policy of force with toothless rumination, or didn't oppose it at all. The opposition did not articulate the stand that force always leads to defeat, above all in not allowing for the possibility of resolving the same problem without corpses. Now, faced with Serbia's military victory in Bosnia, the opposition looks as if it got between a savage dog and its food. Part of the opposition believes that riding the winning horse is not such a bad idea, and is speedily embracing the Serbian cause, not understanding that this is not an original move, and that when it comes to marketing nationalism, they don't stand a chance with the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and the SRS in the game. They have not been heard to mention the economic mega-catastrophe which has resulted from the war. The rest of the democratic opposition is mum, as if nothing worthy of their attention is taking place.

There is then, the obvious problem of the opposition finding the right gear, the right vehicle, and an efficient form of action. Parliamentary debates in corridors and TV round tables are not enough. Lively political protests in Belgrade streets which gave momentary hope, have become memories of missed opportunities. The psychological advantage gained by the opposition after the beating up and arrest of Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) leader Vuk Draskovic, has, for some unknown reasons, not been taken advantage of. Fear of police repression is somewhat understandable, including the fear of uncontrolled violence spreading through Serbia. If the opposition's solution lies in issuing diluted statements, haggling over some future elections, gossip and the resolving of personal housing and other problems by jumping the line, then they really no longer have the right to regard themselves as such.

It could not be said that the opposition is currently disturbing the harmony of fragrances emanating from the Socialist garden blooming throughout Serbia. They cannot justify themselves with claims that the regime is not giving them sufficient reason for action, or that life isn't bad enough to require changes. Party leaders do not seem to have noticed that they have become their own greatest supporters, or perhaps they think that this should be case?

This, and many other things make them accomplices of the regime in producing the misery which has befallen the citizens. Those who voted for the opposition hold the leading opposition parties more responsible than the regime. It was expected of the SPS that it would produce misery, but it was also expected of the opposition that it would prevent them from doing so. This they did not do. The opposition's current hopes that they will take over the helm once we pull out of all this, is sheer impudence. If they are showing now that no one, except perhaps the authorities need them, then they will certainly not be needed in the future.