Shadow Theater

In June the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) and two Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Vojvodina (DZVM) deputies asked for a vote of confidence in Prime Minister Nikola Sainovic's government, because it had not come up with an answer to the monetary collapse which had brought 70% of the citizens to the verge of poverty, after four months in office. SRS leader Vojislav Seselj said in talks with top Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) official and eminence grise of the Serbian Police RadmiloBogdanovic that he would not topple the Socialist government. Bogdanovic replied meaningfully: ``Surely we won't quarrel, Voivoda!'' The Radicals then voted in favor of Sainovic's government and answered teasing by opposition deputies with insults, promising that September 15 would be the deadline deciding if the government would continue to enjoy their support. During the Serbian Assembly's special summer session, Nikolic bragged that he had wrested the ``best solution'' out of the government during behind-the-scenes negotiations (the minister in question confirmed this), while others were attacking the government unpatriotically. During the summer Seselj tried to play down the impression of collaborating with the regime and to present the purge of generals as his personal success.

Even though they are no longer in command of Serbia's downfall, the Socialists await autumn with a feeling of security, and do not need to take much notice of Seselj's bragging. The SRS cannot topple the government on their own, without the cooperation of the center parties which have been demonized for the benefit of the Socialists.

Even though speculations of some new ``Depos'' (Serbian democratic movement) with Seselj and Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic pitched against Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic sound rather far-fetched, the parties of the center in Serbia, could eventually join Seselj in his initiative at toppling the government. They however, shrink from a deeper parliamentary crisis because they are not ready for elections yet, and will probably seek a compromise solution. Democratic Party (DS) leader Dragoljub Micunovic reiterated that his party would certainly vote for a change of government and urged for something akin to a concentrated government. DS official Zoran Djindjic excludes Seselj from such combinations, but allows for some sort of cooperation ``with a certain Radical director.'' He certainly wasn't thinking of the cemetery director: the fact that Nikolic is a technical director of the Public Utilities Company in Kragujevac (his term in office being frozen for the time being) and that the company covers the municipal cemetery, was first turned into a joke by Vladan Gajic (SPO) speaking of the possibilities of Seselj's shadow cabinet. The two democratic parties, the SPO and the Farmer's Party of Serbia have not shown the least interest for a coalition with Seselj, separated as they are from him by different party programs and a mountain of insults received.

Djindjic has realized that Seselj now wants to avoid fulfilling his promise concerning September 15, the deadline for the toppling of the government. Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) leader Vojislav Kostunica tried persistently to push Seselj downstream. He challenged Seselj in June saying that DSS deputies would vote for the government's resignation, regardless of who proposed the vote (including Seselj); but, for some other reasons they failed to show up in the Assembly in order to help the initiative of their coalition partner, the SPO. Suspected of flirting with Seselj, Kostunica repeated that the government would not enjoy confidence and that his party was opposed to the government, regardless of Seselj's stand on the matter.

Some of the measures taken by Sainovic's and Kontic's governments, such as the administrative distribution of foodstuffs, are part and parcel of Seselj's concept. There will be various claims as to the origin of ideas. Seselj will have the opportunity of criticizing the implementation of his own program. Supply lists are being drawn up, and it is for sure that ``dead souls'' and entire family trees are being entered on them. The scheme is convenient: the communities make up the lists, the Republic delivers the goods, but the warehouses are empty and shops have commodity reserves for only one week. The system will be worked out further in the next phase, and just like in a Russian joke, the goods will be ordered by phone and delivered via TV screens. Federal minister Tomica Raicevic said in Svilajnac, Serbia's secret capital, that inflation had been ``stopped'' which sounds like a cyberpunk comedy. Serbian Assembly President Zoran Arandjelovic told the sleepy listeners in the best Socialist-Realist manner that ``the success of the measures must not be doubted.''

SPS spokesman Ivica Dacic said coolly that the Radical shadow government was a ``normal thing,'' and that his party wasn't thinking of elections. Elections do not suit the Socialists either, because they are not sure that they can control the dissatisfaction of the hungry. Because of this and probably because of some unsettled accounts in Montenegro, they are showing patience with the Radicals.

In January we enabled the SPS to form a government and protect vital interests for the good of the people. We didn't want the Socialists to say that they couldn't set up a government because of the Radicals. This is the reason for our support of Sainovic's cabinet. However, from today's perspective it is clear that this government has done its work only partially... Bearing all this in mind, we have decided to set up a shadow government which will prepare itself for the next elections.

Tomislav Nikolic, Prime Minister of the Radical shadow cabinet, in an interview to the Kragujevac newspaper ``Svetlost.''