Montenegro's Blockade ‘‘Breakthrough''

Some interpreted the tone of the ‘‘greeting'' as a warning of the caution that Bulatovic should adopt in Tirana, or as a clear indication that he was going there as Milosevic's personal envoy. There is less reason to believe that there might have been reproach or suspicion of ‘‘separatist'' behavior by the Montenegrin leadership, for two reasons: Bulatovic had earlier distanced himself from Albanian President Sali Berisha's praise made a month ago in a Swiss tourist center. This move had been ‘‘suggested'' to him by the leading domestic news agency: while in Tirana he would be representing Yugoslavia and not Montenegro.

Bulatovic probably did not find this easy, since his host treated him exclusively as a guest from Montenegro, and not Yugoslavia. Some claim that Bulatovic had to call Belgrade that very same night and report on a picnic in Tirana, and that he had to give the Belgrade press special details from his visit.

Bulatovic could not have felt comfortable with the domestic and the foreign press assessing his visit as a ‘‘separatist'' move, and being praised by ethnic Albanian leader in Kosovo Ibrahim Rugova. Montenegrin Liberal Party leader Slavko Perovic saw to it that the atmosphere was further charged when he was received in Tirana by Berisha himself, a few days later. On his return Perovic said that he approved Bulatovic's visit and a normalization of relations with Albania and other neighboring countries.

During the visit, Berisha made it very clear that he did not consider his guest competent for discussing delicate Yugoslav-Albanian relations (especially those between Serbia and Kosovo), but insisted on the ‘‘historical links and common virtues'' of the Albanians and the Montenegrins, and support of Bulatovic's ‘‘rational stand with regard to the crisis in the Balkans.'' Judging by the Albanian press, some forms of cooperation could soon be set up. The first would concern a ‘‘breaking through'' of the international blockade, in spite of Berisha's explicit statement that Albania would introduce an embargo against Yugoslavia. The railroad to Shkoder has become more interesting to Montenegro than it was to Albania at the time of its construction because of the future links with Rome, Istanbul, Sofia and Eastern Europe which will be passing through Albania. Thanks to this ‘‘southern corridor'' Montenegro would be able to avoid Belgrade's economic blockade and all traffic could be directed to Sofia and Skopje and back again. This was undoubtedly one of the reasons for Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic's sudden visit to Skopje. The Macedonian firm ‘‘Mavrovo'' is still working on the water-supply system of the Montenegrin coast, the country's biggest investment in the last two years. The visit overlapped with Bulatovic's visit to Tirana. The following days could bring more concrete forms of cooperation: trade, the annulling of visas for Albanian and Montenegrin citizens, and even the start of a joint project aimed at reclaiming swampy land around Lake Shkoder.

It is interesting that the two Presidents did not answer questions after the customary press conference. Berisha said that Bulatovic had asked for this procedure. The two Presidents said that they had not agreed over questions concerning Kosovo and Bosnia. It is certain, however, that matters concerning Montenegro and Albania were discussed. If it proves that this was the purpose of Bulatovic's visit, then Montenegro's diplomatic activities are taking an independent course. There is talk in Podgorica that Albanian Prime Minister Mexi could visit Montenegro, and that French President Francois Mitterrand, British Prime Minister John Major and the Italian President could pay return visits.