A Lot Of Ill Feeling

The obstruction of the gathering and all the related events in Cetinje provide precious material that can be used by mutually opposing political groups. This time, this is done at the expense of the much celebrated Njegos and amid assumptions that many had wished for the incident to happen and even that it had been orchestrated.

President Momir Bulatovic arrived in Cetinje to attend the opening of the exhibition on Njegos but as he came out of his car a youth cried out to him: ``Where are you, traitor of Montenegro?''. Witnesses report that the President had turned and even headed towards the youth but then about twenty more young men appeared, and continued to insult him. According to a colleague, the President made an insulting gesture with his arm, after which the youths attacked his car and the security police intervened.

Those invited to attend the seminar were seated in the first row and the entire room was filled with youth from Cetinje. Academician Milisav Babovic, the gray eminence of the Montenegrin Academy of Arts and Sciences, had hardly started reading his report when shouts were heard: ``Serbian nationalism can not be propagated in Cetinje'' and ``This is not Serbia'' and they started chanting songs about Montenegro and King Nikola. Metropolitan Amfilohije took up the song but was whistled down and booed.

Dragutin Vukotic, the President of the Montenegrin Academy, did not succeed in calming down the audience. He was told that the creators of the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (SANU) were present and that they were selling away all the Montenegrin values, including Njegos himself, and that this was a crime and a betrayal. Following that, the gathering adjourned quietly without security guards or fights.

The public was instantly informed about the interruption of the symposium in Cetinje in detailed reports by the state media and in a special programme on TV Montenegro. Interior Minister Nikola Pejakovic showed up in the Evening News programme, watched the unedited footage of the incident, and then announced that seven persons had been arrested, that an inquiry was underway and that he did not know how many people would be arrestedperhaps 37, namely all those who had taken part in the incident. ``We do not all have to love the President of Montenegro but we have to respect and protect the institution of President. Everybody must be aware of this,'' said Pejakovic. Minister Pejakovic then proceeded to conclude that the Liberal Alliance (LSCG) was responsible for the incident, that the demonstrators had insulted President Bulatovic, that they had attacked him and injured a few security officers and that they had ``even hit and damaged the President's car.'' Minister Pejakovic's statement was followed by the reaction of LSCG leader Slavko Perovic, who said that his party was not responsible for the ``spontaneous protest by a group of citizens'' and that the Police Minister had intentionally accused the Liberal Alliance.

And while the public was being informed about the ``truth'' of the events in Cetinje, a large special police force started arresting citizens. They broke into apartments not only of those who had taken part in the demonstrations but also of those who had not even been there. Several hundred people gathered in front of the municipal building. Police reinforcments were flown to Cetinje by army helicopters and Cetinje resembled a beseiged city.

At a press conference Slavko Perovic claimed that the Police Minister was once again throwing dust in the people's eyes, and demanded that all those who had been arrested be released, and allowed to defend themselves. Perovic underlined that they must not be subjected to torture.

President Bulatovic's cabinet did not issue any statement. Dragutin Vukotic repeated that too much attention was being paid to an ``emotional outburst by a group of youths.'' Attention is being focused on the attack on President Bulatovic, and analysts say that Police Minister Pejakovic's action is a desperate attempt to save himself, above all from the extremist parties of the Serbian bloc who demand his replacement after a series of police interventions. Public opinion polls show that the LSCG is a serious threat to the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which is in a panic, because of the poll results show that 59 percent Montenegrins want early elections. The DPS has long played the role of arbiter between the Serbian and Montenegrin bloc and has skilfully balanced between the demands of the Serbian nationalists and those favouring the option of a sovereign and independent Monenegro.

And while the events in Cetinje serve to demonise the Montenegrin option, many have not failed to notice that this strategy helps the increasingly impatient moves of Belgrade to finally establish order in Montenegro. This is the essence of Serbian-Montenegrin relations because the Montenegrin bloc has been drawing attention to the Belgrade strategy for years, one which does not ``respect Montenegro as a state or the Montenegrins as a nation.''

It is becoming clear that this is the final phase of disciplining Montenegro, that this phase includes the Serbs from the Serb Republic in Bosnia, and that its implementation should be made easier by the adoption of the new defence law under which Montenegro is deprived of the right to be consulted about the introduction of a state of emergency on its own territory. The adoption of this law has shown the extent of the methods being used to trick Montenegro. It is widely known that Montenegro was pushed into the war because of Prevlaka. Now , however, the leaders of the Serb Republic in B-H are reviving this problem in a way which the Montenegrins find disturbing, particularily those in the Bay of Kotor. Bosnian Serb leaders: Radovan Karadzic, Momcilo Krajisnik and Bozidar Vucurevic claim that they will get their outlet to the sea in the area of Prevlaka and Molunat, i.e. that Prevlaka will be in the hands of the Serb Republic in B-H. They also mention the possibility of making deals with Montenegro. Serb Republic in B-H Parliament Speaker Momcilo Krajisnik says that it will be easy to reach an arrangement with Montenegro because ``we consider the Montenegrin sea to be ours as well,'' and that he knows that the Montenegrins will not object to Prevlaka being given to the Serb Republic in B-H. Serb leader in Eastern Herzegovina Bozidar Vucurevic said in an inteview to the Novi Sad weekly ``Svet,'' that they would ask for some kind of trade-off because: ``I do not want to share ownership with the Montenegrins.'' In reaction to this the DPS leader said that it was natural and just that Prevlaka should become a part of the Bay of Boka and thus a part of Monenegro and of Yugoslavia. However, statements by the Serb Republic in B-H leaders have not provoked reactions from competent authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This is viewed here as an intention to continue blackmailing Monenegro with Prevlaka. All this is souring up Montenegrin-Serbian relations, making future incidents between the two republics all the more likely.