Three Arkan's Days

(From the book ``Legends for Those in the Know''--best stories in the Radio B-92 contest for a war story from the territory of former Yugoslavia)

The career of Parliament Member Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan has all elements of the current Serbian dream. It began on the tar of Western European metropolis; numerous legends about bank robberies, spectacular escapes from best guarded prisons, Interpol warrants of arrest, his elusiveness... In all of these, Arkan appears as a ``baby-face with a past'' who honored the codes of the trade and did various favors to the state against the then ``enemy emigration'' for ``pure patriotic reasons.'' It is well known that such favor don't sink into oblivion.

And then he calmed down: he got a steady job (he opened a pastry shop), started a family, and got involved in activities useful for the society--he became the leader of ``Delije,'' the supporters of the football club ``Crvena Zvezda'' (``Red Star''). This was immediately before the break down of Yugoslavia when football fans were the first to clearly articulated the future national goals. Proving that ``a Serb boasts what others don't,'' ``Delije'' spread ``the antibureaucratic revolution'' on the stadiums of former Yugoslavia. Three years later, their leader would announce that the war actually started in the famous last football match between ``Dinamo'' of Zagreb and ``Crvena Zvezda'' of Belgrade played in Zagreb.

Soon after the match, the first barricades in Krajina sprang up. As he himself admitted before the Croatian authorities, Arkan left for Knin from pure curiosity and was arrested in Banija together with his fellow passengers in the car loaded with arms on his way back. He spent six months in custody. Arkan said he had received a letter of support form Ivan Zvonimir Cicak and arranged to obtain a color TV set from Belgrade through the International Committee of the Red Cross. Then the trial was held where he denied all alleged charges, and was defended by the elite of lawyers. He was released after the verdict, and allowed to appeal as a free man. The very same day he took off on a passenger plane from the Zagreb airport Pleso and arrived in Belgrade as a laurelled captive and fighter for the Serbian cause.

Therefore, nothing is more logical than his crossing over of the Danube with his ``tigers'' (volunteer army formed from the ranks of ``Delije'') as soon as fighting in Croatia broke out. He mostly fought in Eastern Slavonia, while the assessments of his military engagement are contradictory ranging from those of a mythical hero to those of a common simulant and war criminal. Although many claim that his army is among the best disciplined in Yugoslav wars, massacres of civilian population and prisoners of war are attributed to him. This and similar accusations (large scale looting, for example) mulitiplied after the action of ``tigers'' in Bijeljina and Brcko. Arkan denied all of them, but pulled out of the Bosnian war at an rather early stage. There are speculations that the conflict with Bosnian Serb Army

Commander, General Ratko Mladic, was a reason. He later said that Mladic's orders to shell Sarajevo was a crime.

In any case, Arkan devoted his energies to his business, which is flourishing despite the sanctions, and to politics. He ran as a candidate for the member of the Serbian Parliament from Kosovo and was elected together with four other like-minded persons. Two things are important: it is well known whose political career began in this Southern Serbian province with a slogan ``No one is allowed to beat you'' and how many votes are need there to become a representative of the people. Arkan returned to the front once a again for a short period of time--in January and February in Ravni Kotari following the offensive of the Croatian Army.

Parliament Member Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan is currently conducting a campaign of the ``Serbian Volunteer Guard, Ltd,'' presiding the football club ``Pristina,'' and representing popular folk singer Dzej Ramadanovski's copyrights. In short, he is a highly respected person. As said at the beginning of the text he is the current Serbian dream come true.

In spite of everything, Arkan has not been present in the public for a long time, at least not in the way he used to be in the days when his glory blazed. The moment for his grand come back was at the session of the Serbian Parliament called on the initiative of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) to topple the Government of Prime Minister Nikola Sainovic. Parliament Member Raznatovic appeared as a reconciler of two formerly brotherly parties, now in direct conflict. He called for unity in a difficult situation for the sake of harmony among Serbs. He also said that there was no reason for harsh words uttered in the Parliament. ``You keep accusing each other of being fascist,'' he said and added, ``I know that there are no fascists in Serbia, excluding those from Kosovo and Metohija as well as those in Vojvodina. Fortunately, their representatives are not here, and I hope they will never be here.'' He also mentioned simple mathematics and said that his parliamentary group would not vote. Namely, he had to show his preference for one side or the other, and thus bear somebody malice. If he was to give unreserved support to the Government, when the Serbian economy is dying and oveall poverty spreading, that would definitely not be opportune. On the other hand, he would thus lose support west of the Drina River where the leader of the Serbian Radicals Vojislav Seselj has strong influence. However, there are even fewer reasons to oppose the ``Master of Serbia'' as this could result in serious consequences of business-like and legal nature, not to mention anything else.

This was not the first time that Arkan demonstrated sound political judgment. He did not take part in the Pan-Serb Parliament session, called after the Bosnian Serbs refused to accept the Vance-Owen plan. Arkan at first attended the session, just as all members of the Serbian Parliament did. After Vojislav Seselj and his Radicals left the session, Arkan and his group left as well, and accounted for this decision with procedural reasons. When one considers his conversation with the members of the Parliament of the Bosnian Serb Republic in Bjeljina everybody was convinced that Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic would be forced to say ``yes'' and that the Parliament would vote for the Vance-Owen plan, it is clear that that Arkan actually wanted to save his positions and avoid offending anybody, which he managed to do. In other words, he retained his integrity.

Besides attending the Serbian Parliament session, Arkan was also present at the session of the Parliament of the Republic of Serb Krajina. While crossing the state border, Belgian members of UNPROFOR stopped him and his escort in an attempt to exercise control of the border and armed groups crossing it. But, seven ``tigers'' disarmed and beat them up in no time. This clearly shows what Arkan, who is the former advisor to

President of the Republic of Serb Krajina, Goran Hadzic, thinks about the Vance plan and Resolution 871. At the same time, officials in Belgrade claimed that no armed groups cross from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia into the Serb Republic in Bosnia or the Republic of Serb Krajina.

At the Parliament session in Beli Manastir, the conflict between Mile Martic, the Police Minister of the Republic of Serb Krajina, and Goran Hadzic, more precisely between Knin and Eastern Slavonija, came to a head. It is believed that Hadzic is Milosevic's extended hand, he and the citizens from Baranja were the only ones to support the Socialists in their conflict with the Radicals. The leaders from Knin, among whom Martic is the only one left of those fighting from the very beginning, seem increasingly inclined to believe that Belgrade will sooner or later leave them at the mercy of Croatia. In return, the sanctions would be lifted, and additionally Eastern Slavonija would be gained (as it is not of vital interest to Croatia). The citizens of Knin perceive Hadzic as a person who was given a task by Belgrade to get rid of Krajina. His statements, where he refers to Eastern Slavonia as ``us'' and to Knin Krajina as ``them,'' seem to confirm their beliefs. A reason to renew attack on Hadzic was a debacle of the Serb Krajina Army during the latest offensive of the Croatian Army in the area of Medak. Accusations made by the Serbian Radical Party in Krajina pertaining to war profiteering, lavishness and many other things could only be added to this. The fact that this time it was Mile Martic, whose authority in Krajina is still undisputable, confronted Hadzic only proves how serious this conflict is.

The attack on Hadzic directly means the attack on Arkan as well, as the two are old partners from the first day of war in Slavonija. It is also being rumored that they have a number of common business interests, e.g. monopoly on oil. In any case, Arkan fully supported Hadzic, accusing Martic of fostering dictatorial ambitions.

The Parliament session in Beli Manastir ended at a stalemate. Hadzic tried to replace Martic, but the MP's put a moratorium on such a decision. Yet, it was decided to reject the U.N. Resolution 871 and to schedule the elections in the Republic of Serb Krajina for November 21st, so that it is clear whom the people really support. It is assessed that Belgrade, who had opposed the elections (the victory of Milan Babic and his, conditionally speaking, anti-Milosevic current is expected), has in effect left Krajina on its own by giving a green light to the elections, in other words Krajina was left alone to independently deal with Croatia, war, U.N. resolutions and so forth. It is also believed that the dying of Arkan's star has begun with sacrificing of Hadzic, while the situation is being explained as yet another benevolent concession to the international community. As far as Arkan is concerned, he supported the elections, did not overexpose himself in the work of the Parliament (it is denied that both ``tigers'' and Martic's security simultaneously marched into the hall at the moment when the conflict between Hadzic and Martic culminated) and left the session in order to make the football match between ``Pristina'' and ``Novi Pazar'' in Novi Pazar.

Although reports on the so-far unprecedented conflict between football fans in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, if that's what they should be called, are controversial, there were indications that the conflict was inevitable. One should know that both teams are made up of members of one nationality and that they are representative of the area from where they come from, much more than of football. The management of ``Pristina'' arrived in Novi Pazar by Arkan's nine luxurious jeeps and parked them in front of the stadium. Referring to the stickers on them, many citizens of Novi Pazar took them as a direct threat. Two buses of supporters of ``Pristina'' arrived shortly and that is when chaos started; the visitors claim that their hosts threw rocks at them with no reason whatsoever, while the hosts claim that the visitors rushed into the stadium and beat up those who were there, and that many sustained knife wounds. Police formed a corridor and what could be heard on the stands is the same as war, but waged with other means. On one side one could hear ``This is Serbia,'' ``Arkan, our pride,'' ``Chetnicks get ready,'' and on the other side ``This is not Serbia,'' ``We'll kill Chetnicks,'' ``Alija, Alija.'' After the game was over (it ended in a draw, 1:1), a shower of stones was hurled from the part of the stadium where Arkan was, and his jeeps, which had been reparked in the meantime behind a goal, were moved in the center of the field. The climax took place when supporters of ``Pristina'' left the stadium, after police managed to break up the crowd from Novi Pazar with tear gas and truncheons. Stones were thrown on the convoy of jeeps and cars along the streets of the town.

Safet Bandzovic, the President of the Sandzak Board for Human Rights, assessed that the whole thing took place since the people of Novi Pazar were irritated by Arkan's appearance as well as his and his escort's arrogance. He also said that nobody truly cares for Turkey or jihad, but that they shouted what first crossed their minds because of being provoked. That is no excuse, he added and pointed out that local policemen gave the impression of being afraid by Arkan and his 'tigers'. ``A day after the game, police began to install order. The minors were literally led out of schools and cafes, beaten and then released. Who should they complain to, when they shiver before this man,'' Bandzovic concluded.

However, Muslims in Novi Pazar believe that the conflict took place so that Arkan realizes that they are not like the Muslims from Bijeljina or Trebinje. They say that Arkan and his followers must have been afraid a little.

Parliament Member Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan is on the top of his career. It is thought that after Seselj he is next, following the conflict between the Socialists and the Radicals. He smiles and says, ``I'm staying here.'' When one gives it a second thought, his optimism is well founded. Namely, as long as the situation in Serbia is such as it is now, and all things considered there are no signs that anything will change soon, it is realistic to expect that the Member of Parliament will be promoted into the Minister, the Commander of `tigers' into the Chief of the General Staff, or, why not, the President of the Football Club ``Pristina'' into the President of Serbia. Nothing else apart from the Serbian cause, the way that he and the current regime see it, seems to be important.