Ethnic Soccer

Even the abnormally large number of policemen who patrol the city with ever ready automatic weapons (compared to Belgrade, they are shot at rarely), cannot change the general belief that in the end, the problem of Kosovo will be resolved to Serbia's disadvantage

Curious visitors to the Pristina Grand Hotel had the opportunity of witnessing something akin to footage from the once popular TV series ``Survival''big bugs eating small ones, in order to become the victims of even bigger ones. The battle for survival, or as it is euphemistically calledauthority, is going on between people this time. Party of Serb Unity leader Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan was the first to launch his campaign: the center of Pristina is papered with his photographs, bigger and better ones than those on Interpol's wanted posters. They can be seen in some shops owned by ethnic Albaniansthe owners don't dare remove them (it is also possible that some of them put them there themselvesas a safeguard from aggressive ``Serb patriots'').

Arkan's campaign is also developing in another directiontickets for the Pristina football club matches are free and double as lottery tickets. At the end of the game the lucky winner gets a ``Yugo'' car, the second prize is a bicycle and there are thirty consolation prizes valued at 100 DM each. Their dinar equivalent is received because the ``defender of the sacred Serb lands'' insists on respect for the domestic currency. Cynics claim that one and the same car is being given away all the time, but rumors that the happy winner had to give up the car in the ``name of Serbian unity,'' have not been confirmed. The Party of Serb Unity does not only give out cars, bicycles and money. As part of his party's campaign, Arkan surprised the opposition in Strbac when he distributed flour from two trailer trucks to the inhabitants.

Judging by the benevolent stands adopted by the ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and Radio Television Serbia (RTS), it has become clear that Arkan's party will play the role played by the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) at the last elections. Compared to SRS leader Vojislav Seselj who was somewhat independent of the Socialists and ended up by coming into conflict with them, Arkan is firmly linked to the ruling party. He is easier to control and if necessary, to eliminate. It can be assumed that the local Serbs' perception of power will be in Arkan's favor, since physical security is their priority. This is why it is believed that the Party of Serb Unity will win more than five places in the Pristina electoral unit which covers most of Kosovo and Metohija territory and has 24 deputies in Parliament. The greatest losers will be the Radicals, but they are not admitting to the fact. ``Judging by the information at our disposal, our voters are stable,'' claims SRS Kosovo branch head Ranko Babic. ``SPS supporters who are bitter over their party's policy visit us and promise to vote for us, some are becoming members. I think that this will help us make up for losses due to the media campaign against us, so that we will retain our number of deputies (five in this electoral unit). After all, television cannot fill up empty stomachs. Of course, there is always the possibility of something spectacular happening on the eve of the voting and influencing voters, but we will disregard such a possibility. Our campaign will be unpretentious, because we believe extravagance to be in bad taste at a time when the people are starving.'' As usual, the Socialists in Kosovo count on Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic's popularity among the local Serbs and hope for a more convincing victory than the one in December 1992, since Seselj no longer has the clout he once had, while Arkan will get as many votes as Milosevic thinks fit. The opposition is cautioning of the disastrous effects of the current authorities' rule. The SPS have ruined everything they have been involved with in Kosovo: the economy has practically ceased to exist, the majority of the employed are on paid leave, while the number of sociallyendangered is on the rise. Even the abnormally large number of policemen who patrol the city with ever ready automatic weapons (compared to Belgrade, they are shot at rarely), cannot change the general belief that in the end, the problem of Kosovo will be resolved to Serbia's disadvantage. The opposition accuses the Socialists for this state of affairs and for deepening the rift among Serbs by insisting on differences between ``newcomers'' and ``old timers.''

Even though they are not prepared to admit so openly, the Socialists are certainly counting on the power of television and the names of the candidates. The demonization of the opposition in the media has done its work here, so that the Radicals are on the defensive, while no one gives the other opposition parties much of a chance. Some kind of a coalition, i.e., a joint list of candidates, could, perhaps, bring the democratic opposition two places. For the moment it is unrealistic to expect any kind of rapprochement, except of course, some kind of a ``pact on not attacking.'' The Radicals claim that they are prepared to cooperate over technical issues with the other opposition parties (the battle for more space in the media, a joint control in counting the votes, the putting up of posters, etc.), but reject any possibility of a preelection coalition, since they believe that misunderstandings could later crop up over the division of spoils. The Radicals however, are open to the possibility of a coalition after the elections, and in this context they mention the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) which would be prepared to enter into a loose coalition with the Peasant's Party of Serbia or the Social Democrats led by Momcilo Trajkovic. The Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) has not decided officially if it will take part in the elections. The same holds true for the DSS which has, however, started on the offensive. The DSS led by Vojislav Kostunica is preparing to launch the idea of a decentralized Serbia within a new territorial division. According to this option, Pristina and parts of Kosovo around the Morava River would become part of the Vranje region, while the north of the province (Leposavic, Zubin Potok, Ibarski Kolasin, Kosovska Mitrovica...) would become part of the Kraljevo region. Serbs would be the majority in these regions. Metohija remains, and it would have a greater number of ethnic Albanians, while the province would be abolished. Kosovo and Metohija DSS District Committee President Ljubisa Vucic says that he is aware of the associations brought up by their proposal, but denies the existence of a plan for the division of the southern province:

``It never entered our minds to divide up Kosmet (Serb expression for Kosovo and Metohija). We simply believe that Serbia needs to be decentralized along the lines of the British or the Italian constitutions. In this way people could resolve problems on the spot, so that Belgrade would not have to make decisions on everything. We hear that New Democracy has a plan for regionalization, and that the SPS is working on something similar.''

Even though Serbs do not dare talk of the division of Kosovo, it would seem that the ideas fostered by the DSS and New Democracy are not being excluded. The SPS has been working on ``something similar''the province is without an Assembly, its competencies have been diminished, while the northern part of Kosovo has been joined to the Leskovac electoral region. None of the local Serbs will ever admit to an awareness that from the perspective of a Serbian state, Kosovo could find itself written off. Such thoughts are reserved for ones private moments. However, no concrete ideas will be heard for the duration of the campaign.

Ethnic Albanians will not take part in the elections. Democratic Alliance of Kosovo Vice President Fehmi Agani says that the participation of ethnic Albanians in the Serbian Parliament would reduce their program (an independent Kosovo) to the level of wishful thinking and an abstract ideal:

``Apart from that, it is absurd to call on the people to vote under these conditions. Ethnic Albanians do not have TV programs in their language, of ten odd papers only `Bujku' has remained, and it comes out irregularly. No one consulted ethnic Albanians on the division of Kosovo into two electoral units. There are less than 10% ethnic Albanians in electoral committees repression and discrimination are in force. The matter pertains to a hypocritical game: Yugoslav President Zoran Lilic is calling on ethnic Albanians to take part in the elections, while the state is doing everything to prevent this.''

All national movements here reacted when Shkelsen Maliqi and Veton Suroi tried to initiate a discussion on the good and bad sides of the ethnic Albanian's boycott of the elections. Ethnic Albanian hardliners challenged Maliqi, so that he resigned from the post of vicepresident of Kosovo's Social Democratic Party. The authorities entered the scene with the idea of politically discrediting Maliqi and Suroi once and forever by praising their idea in the media and distorting it to such a degree that the authors couldn't recognize it. Interethnic Albanian differences are not really of great importance. The difference between the moderates and the hardliners is less than is assumed, while all have the same goal: the separation of Kosovo from Serbia without rivers of blood. There are even no differences in the choice of methods (passive resistance). Those who are impatient fear, however, that the ``world will forget Kosovo,'' and insist on the need for the organization of media attractive actions such as peaceful demonstrations and the lighting of candles. The other side believes that the mass involvement of the citizens without visible results has created a feeling of hopelessness and served the authorities as an excuse for stepping up repression. It is not easy to sustain a boycott of these proportions, so that ethnic Albanians are a bit tired. However, Serbia will also find it difficult to put up with the outflow of money necessary to maintain a repressive apparatus. Sooner or later someone will have to give in. The problem lies in the fact that space for manoeuvering has been greatly diminished.

In the meantime, a growing number of informal links between Serbs and ethnic Albanians are being set up. The first get permits without difficulties, while the latter hold the market and have money, thanks to the legendary solidarity of family members living abroad. It is estimated that in the last few years 300,000 ethnic Albanians left Kosovo in search of work. The two people continue to lead separate lives. They have their separate states, universities, pubs and soccer leagues. Ethnic Albanians organized a parallel championship which the police tried to prevent by storming club premises, arresting officials and confiscating documents. The championship continues if the stadiums are out of bounds, then ordinary fields are good enough. ``Pristina'' is the current champion of ``Kosovo Republic.'' This club, like Arkan's, is ethnically unpolluted.