Love That'll Never Die

``Slobo, even though you're a communist, we love you like Jesus Christ.''

(a rally slogan popular in Krajina)

It has been explained to the people who Vojislav Seselj, the leader of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), actually is, in a cathartic letter recently sent to Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic and signed by Goran Hadzic, the President of the Republic of Serb Krajina, Djordje Bjegovic, the Prime Minister of Serb Krajina, General Mile Novakovic, the ChiefofStaff of the Serb Krajina Army Headquarters, and by Mile Martic, the Interior Minister of Serb Krajina, regardless of his having come into conflict with the above three officials. The letter says that Seselj is a man who ``has discarded all interests of the Serbian people.'' His behavior is ``dishonorable and resembles that of a bandit.'' He has stained ``the honorable name of volunteers by using it as a shield to defend criminals.'' He sides with ``criminals'' and gathers ``the scum of the Earth'' around himself. In brief, together with Seselj they ``defend their own positions, rather than the Serbian cause, which is why they are a disgrace to all in whose name they act.'' The people in Krajina finally got their dander up when ``President Milosevic who commands our undivided respect was attacked.'' That is ``why Seselj has brought discredit upon himself in the eyes of every decent man in Krajina.''

Letters with similar contents sent to Slobodan Milosevic, i.e. Sloba who enjoys fantastic popularity, have regularly been arriving from Krajina whenever there was a need for them. After the events on March 9, 1991, Milan Babic, the former leader of Krajina Serbs and currently President of the Knin municipality) gave unreserved support to ``Vozd'' (translates as leader) and Vuk Draskovic, the leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), was described as Croatian President Franjo Tudjman's cat's paw at the rally staged in support of Slobodan Milosevic. All means against ``Draskovic's followers'' and ``students'' were approved for the sake of attaining ``Serbian unity'' and a ``better tomorrow.'' The people of Krajina also wrote when Milosevic went on a hunt for Milan Babic after the latter's refusal to sign the Vance plan at the end of 1991, which implied the former Yugoslav People's Army's (JNA) disengagement in Croatia. Hadzic and Paspalj (Milan, the Speaker of Krajina Parliament) as well as others agreed, without batting an eyelid, that the dentist from Knin (Babic) was an autocrat, adventurer and bolshevik, spearheading the Serbian people to ruin. On the other hand, everybody knows who has an exclusive right to do it. The Serbs west of the Drina River also spoke their minds ahead of the early elections last year. They took a piece of paper and properly spat at presidential candidate Milan Panic and the opposition. Hadzic went even further. He labelled all who disliked his beloved ``Vozd'' as ``traitors'' and ``SrboUstashi,'' threatening to cross over to Serbia with his gang and instal order.

So many lines to this effect have been written that each regime, similar to this, could only wish for such supporters, and each president, similar to Milosevic, for such subjects.

The ``Log Revolution'' (named after the practise of Krajina Serbs to use logs to block the roads and railroads) was inspired in Belgrade and founded on the finest heritage of ``the antibureaucratic revolution.'' The Security Service and the Serbian Ministry of the Interior armed and organized the Serbs who were to become Krajina Serbs, but none of Serbian political parties managed to catch on in Krajina. The Socialists didn't find it suitable for some reasons, and other parties (although they tried) were forbidden. After having run out of patience, Dusan Zelembaba and Jovan Opacic founded the Serbian Renewal Movement in Knin, but Draskovic's adventure over the Drina River lasted only a couple of monthsuntil March 9.

The only exception was Voivoda Seselj who, as we now know, behaves ``in a dishonorable way'' and ``sides with criminals.'' He used to show off in a grand style in Korenica, while ``decent men from the Republic of Serb Krajina,'' wrapped in flags with four S's kissed his hand. He spoke wherever and whatever he wanted. In Jagodnjak, for example, he openly called people to war and bloodshed... Seselj flew by military helicopters, took pictures in Chetnik attire and with machineguns in Mirkovci, bragged about ``his men being the first to take up arms in Borovo Selo.'' Generally speaking, he was an acclaimed patriot. It's true he didn't overwork himself by organizing the Radicals in Krajina, which he said, was for the sake of preserving ``unity in the difficult times of war.'' Nevertheless, his reputation and power grew by the day.

There has never been a shadow of a doubt that Seselj was not working under the auspices of the official Belgrade. Together with Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan and Mihalj Kertes, he was a member of the legendary ``Heckler&Koch'' trio, which dealt with arms distribution. Radio Television Serbia exploited without letup his sending of 30odd Chetniksvolunteers to Vukovar. He never lacked men to carry out most delicate tasks of ethnic cleansing either independently or, as it's come to light, under expert leadership of the Serbian Ministry of the Interior.

Chetnik Voivoda personally contacted and directed various leaders from Krajina. He talked with Babic and Martic while touring Knin Krajina, he had to call round Hadzic while showing off in fatigues on the ruins of Vukovar, and was also seen armed and wearing a uniform in the company of Captain Dragan. He was everywhere it was necessary, beating the wardrums and explaining that he was saying what ``Vozd'' was thinking. There was no reason not to believe him considering the way things were at the time.

After the Vance plan was signed and Babic replaced, it was clear that the ViroviticaKarlovacKarlobag border could survive only as rhetoric. Anemic officials around Hadzic, who had no real power, as well as growing poverty and anarchy gave rise to fears that Krajina was left on its own, that is, to Croatia. Discontent was mounting and there was another opportunity for Seselj to once again find himself among Krajina Serbs. Seselj gathered Hadzic's opponents with extreme orientation, who believed that Babic was politically dead. The Bosnian war was the top priority of the Serbian policy. It was thought that Seselj's fundamental task was to preserve Belgrade's influence in Krajina. Dissatisfied Radicals were kept under surveillance, but were, nevertheless, used to neutralize all those who saw the implementation of the Vance plan as a chance to make peace.

The action of the Croatian Army on January 22, 1993, and especially the crisis over a bridge in the area of Maslenica, showed how much the influence of Seselj's Radicals had grown in Krajina, which came as a surprise to everyone. It seemed that they had literally wiped out the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) as a relevant political factor, while the popularity of their leader almost reached that of Milosevic, in some areas even higher. There were speculations that after the Serbian President had become a peacemaker, he decide to leave all Serbs west of the Drina River to Voivoda in order to devote himself to foreign policy. It seemed that Seselj had gotten out of control.

However, war and sanctions were biting and Seselj made an accurate assessment that he would no longer fit after the Serbian regime had made its inevitable turn. That's why he decided to first clear things up in Krajina, where he felt strongest, and, thus, create a starting point for settling of accounts in Serbia. He embarked to topple Hadzic, accusing him of crime and corruption, and pressed for the elections there, since it seemed to him to be the easiest way to take over power. At the same time, he presented himself to insecure Krajina leaders as the only politician who would not shun the total war if it came to that, and for them that was the only chance to remain in power and blackmail the leaders in Serbia.

The one who was supposed to react had no choice but to do so. Namely, it is he who feeds, provides clothes, sends ammunition, and, unlike Seselj, has not threatened with an empty gun, not yet. Hadzic received orders to settle accounts with ``paramilitary groups and Chetniks.'' The announcement was issued that there was no room for them in his state (most volunteers from Serbia were thanked for their favors at the end of August), the instructions were religiously followed and General Mile Novakovic arrested at the beginning of September Rade Cubrilo, David Rastovic, and several other people who were thought to be close to Seselj's political beliefs. Although they were soon to be released it became clear which way the winds from Belgrade blew. The counterattack by the Radicals followed, with Babic in shadow, and ultimately the calling of the elections in Krajina for November 21st. However, everything was postponed for December after the dissolution of the Serbian Parliament. In any case, Seselj must not come out as a winner of the parliamentary election in Krajina on St. Nichola's Feast Day (December 19).

There is no dilemma as to why Bjegovic and General Novakovic signed the letter, where Milosevic was supported and Seselj condemned. The former lacks credibility as a Krajina war veteran (he ran as a candidate of the former communist SocialDemocratic Party at the 1990 elections in Croatia). General Novakovic, on the other hand, has suffered a series of military defeats (the worst seems to have been in the area of Medaci) and is, therefore, together with Hadzic, a target of allout criticism. But Martic's name besides the above three seemed bizarre at first sight. At the parliament session in Beli Manastir it looked as if Krajina's Interior Minister had launched a final attack on Hadzic, using the earlier accusations made by Seselj and his helping hand in Krajina, Rade Leskovac.

Those who know the situation in Krajina claim all cards have been laid on the table with Martic's support to Milosevic. Martic had never agreed either to volunteers from Serbia, or Seselj's Chetniks. He founded one of the first paramilitary organizations called ``Marticevci'' after him. Everyone can guess what happens when such an organization gains strength and their leader suddenly sets his sight too high. The same sources claim that it is actually Babic who's behind the hubbub over Hadzic but is keeping lowprofile avoiding being thrown political mud in the face. The point of Martic's move was then to completely discredit and destroy the Radicals and thus make it easier for the current president of the Knin municipality to take over power.

There are more speculations that Krajina has been left to Croatia than ever before. Hadzic has founded his own party for Eastern Slavonia. Many Serbs in Krajina believe that it's only goal is to declare independence of the area and join it with Serbia. A separate ceasefire signed by the local Serb commander, Colonel Sladojevic, and Croatian Army General Djuro Decak, (Krajina's official stand is that there is no ceasefire unless Croats withdraw from ``the pink zones'') only confirms their fears.

Bora Mikelic turned up in Petrinja and compared himself with Fikret Abdic while speaking on Radio Petrinja which ushered additional nervousness. The former director of meat processing plant ``Gavrilovic'' accused the Krajina authorities of having not ``lifted a finger'' during the three years of his absence. He promised a rapid economic development and offered himself for a ministerial post. Politics was a secondary issue in his speech, so that everything resembles Abdic's Krajina. The opening of roads and railroads together with the beginning of trade may take place any moment, which the hardline current in Knin perceives as the beginning of Krajina's reintegration in Croatia. Mikelic is seen in Knin as a champion of the Communist Leaguethe Movement for Yugoslavia (SKPJ), whose influence in Banija and Kordun, as a direct bond with the official Belgrade, has already become proverbial. It is speculated that Krajina could be introduced to a sort of coexistence with Croatia, with the help of communists from these areas; naturally, only at the moment and in the shape which suits the Serbian President best.

That is the reason why all accusations coming from Knin on account of SKPJ are actually a euphemism for accusations against the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). One should remember how Babic banned all communist organizations there. Mile Paspalj, the Speaker of the Serb Krajina Parliament and a presidential candidate in Krajina, is already boasting about having secured support of the Serbian regime. Although he advocated unification of all Serbs, those in the know claim, that it is only his election line, which he will abandon at a certain moment according to the orders.

In any case it is Slobodan Milosevic who has created Krajina and its leaders. Regardless of what happens in Serbia, they will remain faithful to himthey have no other choice and will accept his political stunts no matter how much they themselves may be hurting. Statements of Bosnian Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic that he is ready to recognize Krajina because Croatia supported Fikret Abdic and statements of Tudjman, where he expresses confidence in the Serbian leadership and pinpoints the Muslims as his major opponents, give them hope that their creator has not given up on them in spite of everything. As long as there is even the least ray of hope Milosevic will continue to receive letters of support from them. After everything that's happened, there is no one else who could take his place either in the hearts or in the heads of Krajina leaders.