To The Last Farthing

When the time came for a debate on the responsibility of the monetary authorities in the Federal Assembly, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic dissolved the Serbian Assembly, while president of the Chamber of Citizens of the Federal Assembly Radoman Bozovic proclaimed a recess which has lasted 50 days. A group of opposition deputies demanded last week that Bozovic schedule a session so that the debate on the crisis, crime in the economy and laws on work could be continued. Bozovic agreed, but it was clear that he would find a way of wriggling out of his promise.

Bozovic entered the Assembly on Thursday at 10.15 a.m. and concluded that there wasn't a quorum for the holding of a session. Serbian Radical Party (SRS) leader Vojislav Seselj demanded to speak. Bozovic concluded coolly that there ``wasn't a quorum for a debate on the proceedings.'' The hall was half empty and the building looked desolate. None of the Serbian Socialists were present, the benches occupied by the Montenegrin Socialists were also empty, even the club room was empty.

The opposition waited too long and in the end passed up the chance of imposing a debate at a crucial moment ahead of elections, on the Socialists' weakest spot, their tolerance of crime, a catastrophic monetary policy and the citizen's total lack of security.

Theoretically, the opposition had enough deputies to set up a state commission in the Chamber of Citizens, one which would look into the role played by persons in authority in the swindle of the century, and the tolerating and encouraging of crime. Its deputies felt that the Socialists would do everything to avoid a debate, but did nothing to prevent any possible trickery, and thus ensuring the necessary quorum. They didn't even manage to get all the opposition deputies to attend the session. When Montenegrin Social Democrats (SDPCG) led by Srdjan Darmanovic arrived, the session had already ended. Darmanovic later said that his deputies had been late because the apron at Belgrade's Surcin Airport had been covered with ice. The temperature in Belgrade that day had been 7 C.

Montenegrin Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS CG) leader Svetozar Marovic told journalists that the Montenegrin Socialists had not attended the session because they had assessed that it ``had not been called in order to protect federal institutions, but was being used as part of the campaign in Serbia.'' They were in no hurry to discuss questions linked to the activities of private banker Jezdimir Vasiljevic, who, when he was leaving the country, accused them of being involved in state racket.

The Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) official Vladan Gajic, during a discussion an evening after the aborted session, compared the ruling clique with Latin American regimes. He told Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) spokesman Ivica Dacic who tried to deny links between the ruling party and private banker Dafina Milanovic: ``I could show you photographs of SPS officials kissing Dafina!'' The young and chubby Dacic claimed that the Serbian government had at one time banned Dafiment Bank from working, but that ``the citizens had protested'' and the government had backed down because of ``public pressure.''

It would be good to recall the character and form of this ``public pressure.'' After Milosevic announced a drive against crime, and immediately following last year's elections, Boss Jezda (Jezdimir Vasiljevic's nickname) fled Yugoslavia. He accused the Montenegrin leadership and the SPS in Belgrade of involvement in state-sponsored racket. On state TV the presenter begged Jezdimir Vasiljevic to come back, saying: ``We want you to return as soon as possible, somehow we all feel safer when you're around!'' This was followed with Mme. Dafina's TV appearance aimed at calming down the people. After managing to put off proceedings for several years, Mme. Dafina found herself facing charges in late January 1993, for issuing dud cheques and cooking the books while working for the firms ``Slavija'' and ``Plastika,'' embezzlement and abuse of office. Dafina Milanovic was not convicted on any of the charges.

She told a journalist following the proceedings, that she had tied her fate to that of the regime, and that this was detrimental to her personally and her bank, ``And when it's bad for the bank, then it's bad for the nation.''

Following an announcement that the Serbian government would put the financial sector into order, Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Sainovic mentioned in his promotional speech ``the multiplying of an army of smugglers, private banks and savings-banks.'' He said that the government would be firm in ``withholding work permits to all banks, either private or socially-owned, if irregularities in their work were established.''

After her bank lost the right to operate, Mme. Dafina said: ``I must admit that in my work I sometimes copied President Milosevic. I stepped down among the people at the right moment, promised them that `no one had the right to rob them', won their confidence and I do not wish to lose it now,'' (a paraphrase of Milosevic's famous words spoken in Kosovo just before taking over power in Serbia: `No one has the right to beat you'---ed. note).

Her bank continued working. Mme. Dafina was given a grant for the improvement of the her bank's financial situation. The securities were valuables and property owned by Mme. Dafina, said National Bank of Yugoslavia Governor at the time, Borislav Atanackovic.

This was followed by a series of moves calculated at deluding account holders. The media carried a real Sicilian-Latin American scenario with stories of death, showdowns, and Dafina being turned back from the border. Some sick people still go to her bank begging for their money in order that they might buy medicine. A man who had saved money for a pace-maker is now trying to get his money so that he can pay for the operation.

It remains to be seen what Milosevic's followers want of this Yugoslavia. The Central Bank which is without a Governor and just prints money, with the result that we have a runaway inflation which is being compared with the biggest inflations in history (Greece in 1945, Hungary in 1945 and Germany in 1923). During a discussion on this subject, the black market rate in Belgrade jumped twice. Violence reigns and there is no legal security. Yugoslav President Zoran Lilic is busy sending official greetings, playing chess and conducting his party's campaign. The Yugoslav Assembly is empty. To destroy the Assembly and institutions of a still unrecognized state is proof that in their struggle to survive, and ambition to cover up for all that they have and haven't done, the ruling party is prepared to sacrifice the state just as the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was sacrificed.

Vojislav Seselj, Serbian Radical Party leader

``If we come into power, we will offer Jezdimir Vasiljevic a deal to discontinue legal proceedings against him for crimes he has committed, on condition that he comes and testifies on the criminal activities of top officials in the Republic of Serbia (including President Milosevic), and their involvement in the activities of `Dafiment Bank'. We will prevent Dafina Milanovic from leaving the country and we will start proceedings against her, so that she will disclose who she was linked with and who helped her rob Serbia. Practically all top SPS officials were involved in these scandals. They spent days withdrawing large sums from their accounts, even after the bank had been blocked. They did this for their friends and acquaintances. TV Belgrade information department editor-in-chief Dragoljub Milanovic withdrew money for people he didn't know, charging 20%--30% for his services.''