The End of the Dinar

In order to stay in power, the authorities have destroyed the national currency, the dinar. December's rate of inflation is estimated at 100,000%, which is greatly above the 1923 inflation in the German Weimar Republic which stood at 32,400%/month. It is possible that the annual inflation in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is above 100 million billion percent...

The dinar was introduced as a means of payment in Serbia in 1876. It survived two dynastic changes, the creation and the disintegration of Yugoslavia, a revolution, two Balkan wars and two world wars. During World War One, hungry Serb soldiers were able to buy bread with convertible dinars in Corfu in the winter of 1916, in spite of the difficult war conditions. During World War Two, in occupied Serbia, the dinar remained the means of payment, even though it is remembered as "Nedic's worthless dinar" - the inflationary rate was much lower. The dinar however, couldn't survive a Socialist banker (Milosevic) at the head of the state and National Bank Governor Borislav Atanackovic, who told journalists in autumn that the authorities would continue printing money until the people got sick of it. The German mark has become a means of payment in everyday business, together with some domestic bills called "millions" and "billions". In late December there were not enough naughts to put on bills bearing the portraits of Serbia's great men. The time between the printing of new, bigger bills grew shorter and shorter.

Private Bankers Jezda and Dafina Go Bankrupt

Last year two big "money chains" went bankrupt. Thanks to them, and promises of large interest rates, the last foreign currency reserves were squeezed out of the population. This enormous, and still unknown sum was used to finance the war, for personal gain, to keep the authorities in power, and for spreading regime-sponsored propaganda such as the chess "match of the century" between Fischer and Spasky. Thanks to the match, a great number of people from the establishment stayed at the exclusive summer resort St. Stefan. When Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic announced an anti-crime drive after the 1992 elections, presidential candidate Jezdimir Vasiljevic (Boss Jezda) owner of the "Jugoskandik" bank, left Yugoslavia abruptly, promising to return "some day". He accused the Montenegrin leadership and the ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) in Belgrade of state-run racket. Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Sainovic said in early 1993 that the government was "determined to withhold work permits from all banks, be they private or socially-owned, if irregularities were established."

In spite of the fact that a great many people were tricked, an investigation against Jezda and Dafina has not been started. After managing to avoid the issue for several years, Dafina Milanovic, the owner of Dafiment bank, found herself facing charges in late January 1993 for drawing out dud cheques, falsifying financial documents, appropriating money and abuse of office while employed by the Belgrade firms "Slavija" and "Plastika". She was not charged.

"Dafiment bank" was banned from working in early 1993, but the ban was lifted because of public pressure, as SPS spokesman Ivica Dacic said. The character of these pressures is best illustrated by the fact that at the time Dafina liked to describe herself as a defender of the order.

After Boss Jezda did a bunk, Dafina received a loan for improving the bank's financial state. Governor Atanackovic said that it was made on the basis of valuables and property in her possession. The regime also sent the economists Slobodan Komazec and Kostadin Pusara to help out. Dafina was followed discreetly, so that when she tried to slip across the border she was turned back politely. This was followed by a series of moves aimed at stalling the tricked account holders, and rumors as to had managed to get their money through connections, etc. After the elections, the opposition in the Serbian Assembly managed to force the setting up of a board of enquiry to determine the responsibility of the monetary authorities in the swindle.

The Destruction of the Mostar Bridge

The old stone bridge in Mostar, built in 1566 was destroyed on November 8, 1993 after a series of artillery hits from the Croatian side. Bosnian Croat army commander Slobodan Praljak was allegedly relieved because of this, and those who fired at the bridge are under investigation. Praljak once said that his army was not firing on Mostar, because, as he said, "We are here." Lord Owen cited this remark in an interview, as well as the one made by Bosnian Croat leader Mate Boban who said of Mostar, as the Serbian "liberators" had of Vukovar: "Mostar, our capital city... is the only city we have... it is our historical center... the only place with an airport". Lord Owen said cynically that there were elements of truth in this, adding that the only trouble lay in the fact that a great number of Moslems also happened to be there.

It is difficult to find a symbol of this war, and of Yugoslavia's disintegration. According to some estimates 250,000 people have been killed, while 2.5 million are refugees and homeless. A city (Vukovar) has literally been reduced to rubble. Over ten cities have suffered great destruction. Sarajevo with its 500,000 inhabitants has been living the fate of Leningrad in World War Two for the past eighteen months. The war has destroyed many historical monuments including the mosques in Banja Luka and numerous Catholic and Orthodox churches and cemeteries. Innocent children have been killed, lovers of different nationalities have died between two fronts in Sarajevo, after which the two warring sides haggled over their corpses. People queuing for bread in Vasa Miskin Street in Sarajevo were massacred. All these events were very dramatic and emotionally-charged. But, in the end, all these tragedies are reflected in the image of the old bridge toppling down into the cold, green waters of the Neretva River.

Kidnapped!

A group of armed uniformed men kidnapped twenty passengers on February 27, 1993 from train 671 on the Belgrade-Bar line in the station of Strpci, B-H, a few kilometers from the Montenegrin border. The men were Yugoslav citizens of Moslem nationality. To this very day no one knows if they are dead or alive. Four months before this, on October 22, 1992, 17 Moslems were kidnapped from a bus in Severin, Sandzak. Yugoslav President at the time, Dobrica Cosic, set up a state commission to investigate the case. Bosnian Serb Army Commander General Ratko Mladic said that the Bosnian Serb Army did not have anything to do with the case. The authorities never said what had happened to the missing men.

Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic met the relatives of the missing passengers on May 24, and said that he would search "high and low" to find the missing passengers. According to eye witness stories, the Serbian Police Minister said in front of Milosevic that the Serbian police had kidnapped policeman Milan Lukic, a member of Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic's military formations, and that they suspected him of being responsible for the kidnapping. The relatives of the missing men believed that Milosevic was sincere, and that they would receive some information about the missing men. They never did. When, after a while, the relatives of the missing men came to Belgrade again, they were kept in a hotel, far from the public eye. For a whole year the state which is supposed to guarantee the lives of all its citizens, never found a way of telling the truth about its missing citizens, or of determining if they were dead or alive.

Milosevic Dissolves the Assembly

In the midst of a debate on confidence in Nikola Sainovic's government, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic dissolved the Serbian Assembly on October 20, 1993, telling the people that this was the "cleanest way out of the parliamentary crisis", and that the people would choose "a parliament Serbia would be proud of" on December 19.

This was the culmination of a clash between the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) led by Vojislav Seselj, their unofficial coalition partner from January-September 1993. The Socialists accused Seselj of fascism and war crimes, and some Radicals were arrested. With the approach of the elections the SPS abandoned its rhetoric and started attacking parties of the center.

The elections held on December 19, did not give the Socialists an absolute majority in the Assembly. In spite of a hyperinflation which is undermining the foundations of society and the state, they managed to win 200,000 votes more than last year with the slogan "For Serbia", thus ensuring 123 seats in the Serbian Assembly out of a total of 250.

The latest statements made by the younger leaders, point to the fact that the Socialists are not giving up hope of forming a government on their own.

With a possible paralysis of the Assembly and the galloping crisis, economists who foresaw the development of economic trends in 1993, predict that the situation in Serbia could become greatly complicated. One by one the system's vital functions are expiring, so that a mass breakdown could result. The scene would then be ripe for some form of a military-police take over.

The Beating Up of Vuk Draskovic and Abolitio

In the night between June 1 and 2 1993, Vuk Draskovic, the leader of the biggest opposition party in Serbia, the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), was arrested and beaten up. The same happened to his wife Danica Draskovic.

This took place after demonstrations in front of the Yugoslav Assembly building, which started after SPO deputy Mihailo Markovic was knocked out in the Assembly by Serbian Radical Party (SRS) deputy Branislav Vakic (now under investigation for another misdeed). In the disturbances 12 policemen were injured and according to an official report, 16 demonstrators. Member of the Police Special Units Milorad Nikolic was killed under mysterious circumstances, and the investigation has not yet shed any light on the identity of the murderer, despite the fact that it happened before numerous witnesses.

The police resorted to brutal repression against the demonstrators who tried to force their way into the Assembly building. They beat up passive observers and passers-by after the demonstrations had finished, as well as journalists covering the event. During the unlawful arrest of Draskovic and SPO members and deputies, the police behaved brutally. According to testimonies collected by the Fund for Humanitarian Rights, witnesses claim that Draskovic was forced to pass through a column of policemen who beat him incessantly: they hit his legs and arms, kicked him and continued doing so after he had fallen to the ground. Draskovic was then dragged and beaten with truncheons. Danica Draskovic was forced to go through the same treatment. They kicked her, shouting "whore" all the time. The abuse continued in the police car which took them to the police station.

The authorities ignored all complaints of irregularities during the many arrests.

Without a serious investigation into the causes of the event, the authorities launched campaign against those who were involved in "anti-state activities". Before each investigation, the federal government condemned the crimes and violence in front of the Assembly building. The Serbian government said that "the constitutional order had been attacked once more" and praised the "highly professional, energetic and dignified conduct of the Interior Ministry organs." The public prosecutor submitted a demand for the banning of the SPO three days after the event to the Supreme Court, while charges were brought against Vuk and Danica Draskovic.

The Minister for Human Rights, Margit Savovic did not show any interest for those who had been beaten up that evening and later claimed that she had "no information" that Draskovic had been beaten up in the police station, even though a very detailed report on this had been issued by the team of doctors who looked after Draskovic. The Serbian Ministry of Justice issued a statement on June 8, claiming that the "scratches" suffered by Vuk Draskovic, were "probably the result of the street disturbances in front of the Federal Assembly building". Many Serbian intellectuals and opposition members started a series of protests. SPO deputies went on a ten-day hunger strike. Many international humanitarian organizations and governments protested, as did influential world figures.

Accused of political violence, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, said on June 9 after meeting with Lord Owen, that Vuk Draskovic's case "had left the field of political debate" and was now being dealt with by the Law, because the matter concerned the murder of a policeman. Twenty odd days later, after Draskovic had started a hunger strike, and public pressure had grown, Milosevic signed a partial discontinuance of legal proceedings against Vuk Draskovic and a total discontinuance of legal proceedings (abolitio) against Danica Draskovic. Three months later, the public prosecutor dropped all further charges.