From Election Rituals to Free Elections

We have chosen from a study "From Electoral Rituals to Free Elections" the most attractive empirical facts which can help the ruling party remember its promises, the opposition to overcome its inferiority, and the citizens of Serbia to be reminded of their illusions and naivete.

I expect the following from the forthcoming elections... (replies of the respondents just before the 1990 elections) ...that it will be better than it is now;... that we will live better;... that the elections will bring more happiness;... that the standard of living will be better, bigger income and pensions;... social justice, democracy, economic growth, a way to Europe;...raising the standard of living, reviving the economy and human rights, regardless of nationality;... a psychological calming down of the situation, so we can be content at last; ...a better standard of living and peace for our children; ...peace, freedom for all our citizens, at least a status quo; ...I expect peace for my children; ...a final defeat of bolshevism; ...it will be the same; ...it won't be good; ...that there won't be a war; ...I am afraid of the war. We are not a legal state; I don't know what will happen, I just want for us to live in peace, without war and with enough money... Democracy is a fake, and that is bad. I do not expect anything good, a civil war may be;

The most frequently stated aims:

• to build a strong economy (63.8 percent of voters)
• to raise a standard of living (56.2)
• good inter-national relations (41.2)
• favourable conditions for the development of science, culture... (31.2)
• a strong state (31)
• freedom of speech... (28.2)
• social equality (17.8)
• pollution prevention measures (9.9)
• a defence build up (5.4)

"Hope" was the most frequently cited feeling of voters after the elections (47 percent of replies in the first survey and 43 in the second; "optimism" was second (36 percent of replies) whereas "anxiety" was cited by much fewer people (23 in the first survey and 17 percent in the second) whereas fear was expressed by 23 percent of voters and 11 percent in the second.

Slobodan Milosevic found most of his voters among the middle-aged; it includes the ones with low qualifications (workers, pensioners) from Serbia excluding Belgrade and the autonomous regions... Milosevic received 92 percent of the votes of those who voted for the socialists, 2 percent of the ones who voted for the Serbian Revival Party, 4 percent of those who voted for the Democratic Party.

Vuk Draskovic was lucky with the young, with the high school graduates - workers, students, Serbs... Draskovic's voters were made up of 86 percent of the ones who voted for the Serbian Revival Party, 10 percent of the Democrats and 1 percent of socialists. Before the elections Vuk Draskovic was, along with his party, a favourite among the opposition parties. He staged a radical promotion, emphasizing his anti-communism, along with the radical criticism of the regime, "the communist darkness", the "totalitarian rule"... He entered the elections with the reputation of a Satan. What hindered him the most was the fact that he openly admitted in his presidential promotion that he does not understand the most important economic issues which are in time of crisis of paramount importance in power struggle. Dr. Vojislav Seselj (Serbian Radical Party) did just the opposite, since he realized during the media promotion that it is better to give an unacceptable answer than to openly admit that he does not have an answer to a question. Ivan Djuric (the Reformist Party) won the votes of the young - of high school graduates, professionals, students. Djuric won the votes of the Yugoslavs, or the votes of other nations and national minorities from the entire Vojvodina territory. Djuric had the votes of 71 percent of the ones who voted for smaller parties, 22 percent of democrats, 4 percent of the ones who voted for the Serbian Revival Party and 3 percent of socialists.

The Democratic Party voters are made up mostly of civilian population in big centres; three quarters of voters are from Belgrade, and one fifth is from Vojvodina, whereas almost a half is from inner Serbia. Two fifths of those who voted for this party are college graduates, two thirds of the Democratic Party voters are employed. It could be said that the orientation towards the Democratic Party has its stronghold among the professionals (35 percent). The Democratic Party voters are made up of four fifths of Serbs, 5 percent of Yugoslavs and 13 percent of Hungarians, Montenegrins and others. In the second round almost a quarter of the ones who in the first round voted for the Democratic Party candidate abstained. Twenty seven percent of the ones who voted for the Democratic Party voted for Milosevic, 24 percent voted for Ivan Djuric and 20 percent voted for Vuk Draskovic. Around 42 percent of democrats were disappointed by the fact that Slobodan Milosevic was elected president of the republic and 30 percent were satisfied. The membership locates the party precisely at the centre: 52 percent of Democrats see themselves as belonging to the centre, 21 percent are on the left and 19 on the right.

Sociologically speaking the biggest differentiation was between the democrats and the socialists - they differ with regards to occupation, social origin, quality of housing... The preferential aims of the members of this party are: strong economy (71%), and 51% expect the conditions for the development of science, education and culture to improve; forty one percent of the ones who voted for this party sought better living conditions and 40 percent wished for the freedom of speech and the right to participate in the decision making process; 35% stressed the need to establish good inter-national relations and 28% demanded a strong state with progressive laws which will be obeyed.

One fifth of the Democratic Party voters are for the authority, whereas three fifths is anti-authoritarian. Although this party had most of those with "soft" national orientation, there was a powerful segment with "hard nationalist orientation", although they were all concentrated within the Serbian Revival Party and the Socialist Party of Serbia.

Serbian Revival Party had the most evenly distributed voters in villages, medium sized towns and big cities; there were more men voters than women voters and there were many more young than old. The Serbian Revival Party had the high school graduates (as many as two thirds of their voters have finished high school), 32% of manual workers (the voting structure of the Serbian Revival Party is mostly made up of workers) although the students (21%) are in majority.

The Serbian Revival Party (SRP) is after the Socialist Party of Serbia the most working class oriented party. The Serbs (87%) overwhelmingly dominate the national structure and there are 10 percent of other nationalities and 3% of Yugoslavs.

Around 5% of the Serbian Revival Party voters voted for Slobodan Milosevic and 2 percent for Ivan Djuric.

The SRP voters prefer the building of a strong economy (58%), the improvement of the material living conditions (545) and the provision of freedom of speech (51). The building of a strong and firm state was expected by 36 percent of voters and 35% voted for the development of science, education and culture; good inter-national relations were desired by 24% and 15% wished for social equality. Around 69 percent of SRP supporters were in favour of private property. The SRP supporters stressed the issues like the standard of living and economic growth (45%) and the Serbian national question (40).

The researcher noted a hard nationalist orientation of the SRP supporters (as many as 92% of voters were for the national hardliners). Two fifths of the SRP supporters were for the authority and a somewhat smaller number was anti-authority oriented.

Two thirds of the ones who voted for the Socialist Party live in inner Serbia in smaller towns and villages. Unlike the voters of other parties, the voters of this party are older; every sixth voter is a pensioner; youth makes up only 13 percent. There is an equal number of men and women. The preference of the Socialist Party of Serbia and for SRP is firmly entrenched among the workers (42 percent of supporters). One fifth of the voters have finished only primary school, one fifth are manual workers and only 11 percent are college graduates. Of the ones who voted for the socialists 42 percent regard themselves as being non-party oriented and 54 percent declare themselves as SPS supporters. They primarily voted for their leader; as many as two thirds of voters pointed out that the leader of the party influenced their decision.