The Power Puzzle

Nothing has really changed since those famous days when breakfast with Tito meant the beginning or the end of a political career. Power is still in the same (highest) place and proof of this is a recent story. At the same time when Democratic Party (DS) leader Zoran Djindjic and editorinchief of TV ``Politika'' Aleksandar Tijanic left for Greece on holiday, the following story was heard in Belgrade:

Yugoslav Ambassador to Greece Milan Milutinovic, a close friend of Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic fixed it up so that the President could spend his summer holiday in a state villa somewhere on the Greek coast. Djindjic and Tijanic heard about this, and then they too went to Greece and a place which was very close to the state villa. Tijanic was supposed to mediate and set up several informal meetings between Milosevic and Djindjic, while swimming, etc...

The story ends badly for Djindjic and Tijanic. They miscalculated because of the situation with the Serbs in Bosnia. Milosevic on the other hand, if he's on holiday, only goes as far as Tito's villa in Igalo, never Greece.

Regardless of who first launched the story, and it is assumed that Djindjic's and Tijanic's enemies are responsible, it is interesting for two reasons. The first: if it is true, then it just means that Djindjic and Tijanic are wise enough to know who to breakfast with in order to get the job done, and secondly, if it isn't true it means that their enemies also know with whom it is necessary to have breakfast in order to get the job done.

In other words, regardless of whether this story is true or not, it is true. Power in Serbia lies with Slobodan Milosevic and that is where a story about power and powerwielders must start. The rest is similar to concentric circles, and on the outer ones you'll find a butcher or a bank clerk and their power. But, let's start at the beginning.

One of the rare questions Serbian Radical Party (SRS) leader Vojislav Seselj couldn't answer immediately, was: ``After Milosevic, will anyone in Serbia wield such power?''

``That's hard to tell,'' said Seselj, ``this environment is very susceptible to authoritative persons. The whole of our recent history is a history of authoritative persons and regimes. It all boils down to a negative selection and obedience.''

VREME's other collocutors didn't wish to speak publicly of power; they claim that the secret of Milosevic's authority lies in his Communist Party education. ``The system is the same as it was during Stalin's time,'' claims a former top official who had to leave after a showdown between his boss and Milosevic. ``You never let anyone in a key position become too independent. It's also called `sifting the cards'. He can pull you out today, but you're never sure about tomorrow. It all depends on him.''

All our collocutors agreed that the only exception to the rule is Mirjana Markovic, Sociology professor, League of CommunistsMovement for Yugoslavia (SKPJ) top official and the President's wife. Her increasingly obvious power is not subject to the President's whims, even though DEPOS (Democratic Movement of Serbia) deputy in the Serbian Assembly Milan Bozic claims that her (Mirjana Markovic's power) is delegated. ``Being the President's wife is some sort of an office, it's something you have been given. In a way that's normal, and all the wives of leading politicians worldwide have this or that power and influence.''

This or that power wielded by Mirjana Markovic, according to the above mentioned former official, covers literally everything; or we were told, the following list of those with power in Serbia: ``He, she, then a great big empty space, after which the rule that `you have to prove yourself constantly', holds.''

Even though this kind of a list might seem to be oversimplifying matters, it is a fact that only the power wielded by the President and his wife is clearly visible and generally recognized in Serbia today. The very first names mentioned after theirs, give rise to disagreement.

As in all conspirational regimes, the best sign that someone is on the way up, are small details which the ordinary person doesn't notice easily. If the candidate is seen coming out of the Presidency building (a detail which can be misleading since a lot of those Milosevic does not wish to see, go there: according to some sources, Belgrade Mayor Nebojsa Covic was often seen entering the building but it all ended up with him waiting in front of the door). Or, if the person in question is seen at the beginning or the end of the tv news. Did Milosevic take him to Pozarevac, his hometown? And was it talked about in town later...

Many believe that one of the most powerful men in Serbia today (bearing in mind that this is a very relative term) is Dragan Tomic, Minister without portfolio in the Serbian government, in charge of coordinating the economic program and director of the Vranjebased furniture factory ``Simpo.'' Milan Bozic realized that this was so when he saw Serbian Prime Minister Mirko Marjanovic's speech on the occasion of the election of the new government. At the end of the speech, which was distributed to the deputies, there was a list of cabinet members, in the following order: Mirko Marjanovic, mandator, Dragan Tomic, Minister without portfolio, then four viceprime ministers, then ministers according to the importance of the ministries, and in the end, once again, ministers without portfolio. Enough, for anyone in touch with events here to think: ``Oho, look at him!'' After that, when one sees Dragan Tomic, minister without portfolio, sitting next to Marjanovic at Assembly sessions, and the viceprime ministers lower down the line, there can be no surprises. It is a clear sign that the man is in favor, i.e. powerful.

If a closer look is taken at how Milosevic has distributed his power so far, it can be seen that a good part of it went to the Serbian PM. Men holding this post always had a free hand in many things, and when they went too far as did Radoman Bozovic, they were taken care of in some way or another. When their hands had to be handcuffed literally, the blame was borne by some unfortunate ministers.

On the other hand, the ``Milan Panic'' case taught Milosevic a thing or two, so that matters are differently arranged in the Federal Government. Even though he formally has great competencies, the present Federal PM Radoje Kontic has literally no power. Milosevic often doesn't allow him to come to the villa in Botic's Street, to meetings of the state leadership, and the man that most of those in the know consider to be the real Federal PM, is Tomica Raicevic, another minister without portfolio.

Even though he doesn't hold an important post in the federal government, Tomica Raicevic is not a man without an office. On the contrary, he heads the Committee for administrative questions in the federal government, and everybody knows that this is a very powerful committee, far more powerful than many federal ministries. For example, Tomica Raicevic's signature is to be found on all the papers which deal with housing questions in the federal administration. If, by some chance, a minister hasn't solved his housing problem (for example former Information Minister Miodrag Perisic), that just means that Tomica Raicevic didn't sign the necessary papers. If on the other hand, the above mentioned Yugoslav ambassador to Greece and Milosevic's personal friend Milan Milutinovic, whom many see as a future foreign minister, gets a villa, that can only mean that Tomica signed the necessary papers. All those who talked to VREME agree that Tomica Raicevic is a powerful man.

When Moma Markovic was asked what it was like when he was the head of the Serbian police after WW2, he said: ``Every time my assistant entered the ministry I'd break out into a cold sweat.'' His assistant at the time was Slobodan Penezic Krcun.

The fundamental question concerning the division of power in the Serbian police has remained the same: ``Who is the minister's assistant?'' Some say it's Jovica Stanisic, head of the Serbian state security (he's the man who reports to Milosevic every morning and tells him what ``our'' side has done and what ``they'' have done). He was an ardent supporter of Milosevic's efforts at limiting the autonomy of the Provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina. According to some stories Jovica Stanisic is closely related to Mica Stanisic, Interior Minister of the Bosnian Serb Republic, which explains many things, but that's another story.

The second man, or perhaps the first, today's Krcun, is called... But perhaps it would be better to tell the story in another way. When a river cruise was recently organized on the occasion of the launching of the radio station ``Kosava'' (editorinchief Marija Milosevic, the President's daughter), a group of leading Belgrade journalists managed to be late. The ship was informed by radio, and the captain informed the police, so that the journalists who had been waiting on the bank were soon approached by security menwho kept them company until the ship returned. The security (policemen) whiled the time away talking among themselves: ``Who are we looking after? Is it Sokolovic? (Serbian police minister)'' ``Are you crazy? He's nothing compared to whom you're guarding...'' ``What, is it Radmilo!?''

Radmilo Bogdanovic, a former Police Minister who resigned after March 9, 1991 antiregime demonstrations, is considered by many to be today's Krcun. Just like Dragan Tomic and Tomica Raicevic, he is part of a policy whereby the really important people do not hold a highly visible post. He is the vice president of the Chamber of Republics in the Federal Assembly, president of the Federal Assembly Security committee and president of the Committee for Relations with Serbs outside Serbia. Practically nothing, but if we take a closer look at the names of these committees, we can see that they cover very important fields. The security committee sums up the very essence of Milosevic's state, the other (Committee for Relations with Serbs outside Serbia) is a priority post.

Among those in the police who serve as specific controllers are Aleksandar Dimitrijevic head of counterespionage (KOS) in the Yugoslav Army, whom Milosevic ``took over'' after he had removed former Yugoslav President Dobrica Cosic from office, and set up control over the army. And of course there's the inevitable Mihalj Kertes, even though his name is always associated with the dirty work.

``Those with money are powerful,'' said the head of an influential Belgrade daily, adding that Slobodan Milosevic did not have money. Seselj would certainly not agree with him and claims that the widespread robberies could not have happened without the President's knowledge and participation. Other collocutors wished to remain anonymous claiming that you couldn't draw a line between the ruling establishment and the underworld which supplied it with money. They believe that what we are witnessing is a Balkan version of using money for various political purposes, just as is done elsewhere in the world. ``The difference lies in the fact that over there they at least launder it first, while here they don't have the time.''

Very little information is available on powerful people with money. The name of Bogoljub Karic, president of the ``Braca Karic'' company is known, as is that of Ljubomir Mihajlovic, director of the Commercial Bank, while Borka Vucic the former director of the federal sector of ``Beobanka'' is currently in Cyprus. Their power, the extent of their wealth, if they did the state services such as laundering money, opening secret accounts for establishment members, the opposition, the police, or cleaning up accounts in foreign banks before the international community froze all accounts, all these questions will remain a mystery for a long time, probably forever.

It is obvious today that there are quite a lot of those who can say that they have ten, twenty and even one hundred million German Marks, and are not afraid that someone will ask how they acquired them.

When necessary, protection comes from those with political power and so we come full circle. When talking of money the situation is the same as with state money, but with a twist. To quote Seselj: ``Here you acquire wealth with political power, while abroad you have to have money to acquire political power.'' Of course, it doesn't mean that things won't return to the normal state of affairs one day.

Apart from politics, the police, the economy and Milosevic, there are other persons who could be called powerful (and institutions) in Serbia. There is a lot of talk about the power of the church, but DEPOS deputy Milan Bozic, when mentioning DEPOS election results at the time when it had the support of the church and when it didn't (they were the same17.6\%) thinks differently. People who follow church affairs claim that Bishop of Backa Irinej Bulovic has the greatest influence on Serbian Patriarch Pavle. He is often seen in the company of Serbian Minister of Religion Dragan Dragojlovic. The bishop exerted his influence during the meeting between Milosevic and the Patriarch. He was a member of the Serbian Orthodox Church delegation, even though he is not a member of the Holy Synod (the Serbian Church executive body).

Many believe that power lies in information and mention Radiotelevision Serbia director Milorad Vucelic or Zivorad Minovic director of the ``Politika'' company, Hadzi Dragan Antic director of the daily ``Politika,'' Aleksandar Tijanic, head of TV ``Politika,'' and businessman Dusan Mitevic (former RTS Director) whom many view as the future RTS head...

However, changes in the media are very frequent, with the exception of Zivorad Minovic who is still in office. Power in the media lies in the ability to recognize where the real power lies and usually lasts until the first mistake is made.

In science, culture, sport... there are those who have power, who call the shots and distribute it further, but they are not the main bosses. They are delegated powerwielders. If you want to find someone who is powerful and doesn't depend on Milosevic, then go back to the beginning of the story to the part where your butcher is mentioned. He is an independent power-wielder.