The Right Bank

The special session of the Serbian Parliament that convened to debate the peace plan was told by Serbian Prime Minister Mirko Marjanovic what just months ago no one dared say: ``We helped the Serbs in former BosniaHerzegovina in every respect!'' He went on to explain that the Bosnian Serbs had received ``recognition for their struggle,'' so that peace could and should begin and that the opponents of peace can be only those who ``can secure their profits in conditions of war.''

It was an unpleasant experience listening to Milorad Vucelic, head of both the Socialists' parliamentary group and staterun radio and TV, speak about peace as a ``lasting program determination'' for the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), but times change and roles as well. At the previous session, Vucelic attacked Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) leader Vuk Draskovic for undermining Serbdom. Now he was charged with disclosing that Milosevic had crossed the line of no return in his clash with Karadzic.

Vuk Draskovic might notice an interesting occurrence; Milosevic has drawn close to Draskovic's position after the destruction of Vukovar when he urged everyone to hang their heads in shame. But, the SPO has been shaken by scandals and rifts. Milosevic's main political goal in Serbia might not be doing away with Seselj but breaking Draskovic.

The SPO underwent a crisis prior to this session because some of its members thought Draskovic was supporting Milosevic. During one of his best parliamentary speeches, Draskovic attacked the ``strategists of war and national divisions.'' He recalled that he had been ostracized because he'd said the war had been premeditated, was unnecessary, testified that in the winter of 1992 he had told Karadzic and Bosnian Serb Parliament Speaker Krajisnik not to start a war which will cost them what they have, but allegedly they told him that ``everything had been agreed'' and that the war would be short. Draskovic was then subjected to a campaign full of accusations that he wanted to separate the Bosnian Serbs from their leaders and hand them over to Izetbegovic.

Serbian Radical Party (SRS) leader Vojislav Seselj told Radio Uzice on August 24 that his deputies would ``brand the criminal act of the Belgrade regime which imposed the blockade on the Drina.'' SRS Parliamentary group head Tomislav Nikolic used loopholes in the parliamentary rules to recall in detail Milosevic's wartime statements and the time when ``President Milosevic sent in and praised volunteers.''

The rest of the opposition did its best to keep out of Seselj's corner, except maybe Serbian Democratic Party (DSS) leader Vojislav Kostunica who was the most persistent critic of the peace plan. Kostunica said the territorial division was unjust, that there were no guarantees of the statehood of the Bosnian Serb Republic (RS), that there was no guarantee for the RS confederal links with Yugoslavia and that it was uncertain that the sanctions would be lifted. He added that sovereignty was being sold out for Belgrade airport.

The Bosnian Serbs started winning space in Belgrade's independent media. The RS information ministry gave Beta news agency hundreds of reasons why they oppose the Contact Group planthe MoslemCroat federation would get all the lead, zinc, mercury, lignite mines, power plants, military industry; 286,000 Serbs have left the Moslem Croat federation; problems with housing for another 100,000 when they're allowed to leave; and some 400,000 Serbs have lost everything they owned. The RS listed constitutional principles or smallscale territorial concessions as official reasons.

The question now remains what would their goals be if the war continues. Whatever they intend to do, the Bosnian Serbs won't be able to count on the support on the Serbian leaders.