Troubles With a Bit Player

The present chief of the self-proclaimed state of Krajina was Milosevic's joker card in his showdown with the former unreliable leader of Krajina's Serbs Jovan Raskovic, Babic's protector, whom he eliminated in Macbeth-like style, just like Milosevic did with his predecessor.

The Belgrade media were supposed to create an image for Babic: he was made a champion of Serbian patriotism, undisputable leader of Serbs in Croatia and a key figure for implementing the "all Serbs in one state" plan. That precisely was the motive for war against Croatia, which started in Krajina and over Krajina.

However, Babic realized very soon that Belgrade was too far away and that it could happen eventually that Milosevic would leave him flat after previously having broken all ties with Zagreb, which actually happened. He did his best to secure his own position, to consolidate his power in his banana republic and to get more autonomy than Belgrade found suitable. He understood the principles of self-preservation within the state of lawlessness and lack of institutional protection of the authority.

Milosevic was, at any rate, reflecting the general mood in Serbia when entering into a war, and he is doing the same now that he wants to get out of it. Just as they were swiftly attracted to this war when they were presented with the possibility of an easy victory and conquest, the Serbs have now just as easily become disappointed in it, after having seen what it looks like and how it is going. Babic was supposed to have a supporting role of the rebel leader until the further developments are known, but his huge political appetite was tolerated until it has turned out that Serbia can no longer fight for maximum borders.

Belgrade has, however, underestimated Babic, the way all the overnight promoted national leaders and army chiefs had been in the previous communist regime. Power is not something which can be arbitrarily given and withdrawn. And the dentist (Babic) from Knin has shown that he is better in such matters than when treating caries. Milosevic has tried to undermine his power and get rid of him, which can clearly be seen from the conflicts between the leaders of Krajina, but Babic would not budge. In a matter of days he proclaimed his own state, national anthem, flag, a constitution and is asking for international recognition. In a polite and diplomatic manner he writes to Cyrus Vance and complains to him about not being consulted, so that he could explain to him that he needs no "blue helmets" in the republic of Krajina.

If Milosevic has given up, Babic has not and is rightfully reminding him that they both wanted to gather all Serbs and that it is what the war is all about. He will not let his state be placed under the international protectorate and it is logical that he is calling upon Milosevic's argument on the right for survival in Yugoslavia. But Milosevic has in the meantime realized that if he continues along that road he will call into question his right to stay in Serbia. He has forgotten the war against fascism which he recently announced and has gone in a decisive retreat. Peace has become paramount to him.

Finally, Milosevic was forced to write an open letter to Babic which has never done before and would not do it now if he had any choice. He is informing him that he no longer knows him and is calling upon the citizens of Krajina to decide on his fate. He is publicly weighing his influence against Babic's. "The citizens of Serbia are not your hostages", writes he, quoting Vuk Draskovic, which is not the first time, and under the term "the citizens of Serbia" he primarily means himself.

As a relatively independent factor the incomplete Army is involved in this incident in which every general gives his own opinion of the peace plan of the United Nations. After shooting down the helicopter, the tale concerning this accident, the sackings and resignations of various generals, it is becoming incomprehensible who is doing what, who supports whom and who is turning their back on whom. Only the outlines of yet another officer conspiracy can detected. Serbian history is full of such examples. We should not be surprised if it turns out that even this incident is in some way connected to the Milosevic-Babic split, since the influence of Serbian Army officers outside Serbia has always been strong and their ambitions in this war could be even greater than that of Milosevic. Could it be that, the Serbian top military echelons (Milosevic's) and outer Serbian military had a conflict at the expense of the lives of the European Monitoring team? Milan Babic who has until recently been greeted in Belgrade with greatest accolade is now being accused of being an army man and the hope of the Communist Party-Movement for Yugoslavia. Professor Mihajlo Markovic, a visionary who is currently employed as the Party operative, is threatening Babic that the Army will retreat from Krajina and the commander of the Knin Corps is saying that he approves of the peace plan and the arrival of "blue helmets". It seems that Babic is losing his military backing as well and he is still planning where in Knin the future foreign embassies will be situated. Still, he is afraid of the Army and has prohibited all the communist parties in Krajina, which he claims to have been "undermining the democratic order" and wishes to, with the help of the Army impose the Communist dictatorship. The communists will, once again, be forced to work illegally, which could refresh and rejuvenate them.

But, this entire muddled conflict has nothing to do with ideology, neither is it propelled by the differences in realizing any national conflict. Babic is simply asked to relinquish his power so that Milosevic would be facilitated in keeping his own. Babic obviously does not agree with such a solution. The conflict, however, could turn out to be beneficial to Serbs since it marks the end of the ambition concerning the formation of Great Serbia and it is always useful to give up unrealistic aims. It remains yet to be seen whether Milosevic has really gained experience and decided to go back to Serbia, while there is still time, or whether he will support Karadzic's statehood adventure, so very like Babic's.

In any case, the fact remains that too many people are used to the fact that politics in these parts only accidentally produces favourable results. It is as if we are resigned to the fact that politics means exclusively the fight for power, from which, as a by-product, something of general interest is produced.

The clashes which characterize the raw power struggle create chaos, senselessness and the destruction of all values. A certain outcome can be favourable for us, but who cares about it except us?

Finally, we can not know in advance whose downfall or success we should applaud, since we do not know who represents who, since anyone could be anything given the logic of power. It is obvious that the forces which no one can control have been set in motion and that it is equally dangerous to have unbridled power as to bridle it. This kind of chaos is difficult to stabilize and the creation of short-term plans "when all this is over" is not recommended. Too many different factors are involved here. The Serbs and the Croatians between themselves and among themselves, Moslems, Albanians, the Army... Everything is intermingled and intertwined. It will last for decades, which means that the present situation will last forever. A real opportunity for defiance and rebellion with no hope and illusions but for the sustenance of the basic human condition.