The Principle of Sacrifice

Everybody knew that the rallying of all Serbs could not be carried out democratically but with arms, and it was believed that Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic had agreed to be sacrificed at this alter: to carry out the job, accept the guilt and leave. The creators of this idiotic combination were the so-called wisest heads in Serbia, and as we know, Milosevic disappointed them doubly. He didn't manage to deliver a Greater Serbia and he still refuses to withdraw in favor of some greater democrats.

The results of the subsequent elections in Serbia were decided then and there. It was said that Milosevic embodied Serbia and all Serbs; the war could start, cities be destroyed, borders extended and other nations expelled. When he could have easily been challenged and dismissed, when it would all have looked as natural as the changing of the seasons, Milosevic's was offered a national and war mandate, and democracy was postponed, while the opposition was allotted a decorative role. And, here we are, six months have passed since Serbia pulled out of the war, and Milosevic broke off with Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, and democratic freedoms are being narrowed down even more.

The principle of sacrifice in the name of higher goals has turned into a habit and become a goal unto itself. The best moment for putting an end to everything, when world communism was falling apart, has passed by. It was decided that it was more important to unite all Serbs and go to war; and this choice turned out to be far-reaching. The energy of freedom melted away and all hope for a civilized life, a legal order and civic society were lost. It proved that some higher goals could always be found, once the principle of sacrifice was accepted and established. Yesterday it was war, today peace.

The opposition slowly acquired the status of an unpleasant, but because of the outside world, necessary obstacle to be cleared by the regime in order to finish more important business. This of course, is the picture created by the pro-regime press, while the other is practically non-existent. It can't exist when the journalists are starting to believe that the newspapers, e.g. the Belgrade daily Politika must tote the line for authorities, because this is the result of much experience and a proven tradition. And, it's a tradition with us not to change bad customs. The current situation is unusual. The regime was probably never as unpopular, and the opposition so preoccupied with itself and at odds. It seems that all have some interest in proving that everything is just fine. Milosevic believes that with an intelligent policy concerning newsprint and frequencies, no one will read or hear anything anymore about the opposition except things whispered from ear to ear. Opposition leaders look on things differently. As if they have long buried Milosevic and his party and media, and still have to settle scores between themselves. But, all they have left are press conferences which only Independent TV Studio B carries, and then they accuse each other of thievery, collaboration and treachery.

As far as I am concerned, I don't particularly care much about any single opposition party, or the whole lot of them. I have nothing against the regime, except that I consider it responsible for the war, sanctions, poverty, looting, crime and the strangling of the freedom of the press. Some among the opposition strike me as not being much better, perhaps just less efficient, which is an advantage. It seems to me that it is too late for any improvement in the quality of our lives, no matter who comes into power.

Serbia, however, doesn't wish to work towards developing a system and mechanisms for the peaceful handing over of authority. The Socialists look on themselves as the ruling party, but also as a form of rule. In the event of their defeat, not only would the government change, but the whole construction based on a party monopoly, the police and state property would come tumbling down. The ensuing crash would be terrible for them and for us, but they don't believe that they should be concerned about this for the time being.

Perhaps they are right. Namely, the opposition has succeeded in compromising itself with scandals at local and community level, as if it isn't enough that the regime is bad-mouthing them. The citizens are of the view that a change of authority would only result in chaos, after which everything would be just as it was before. Apart from this, opposition party leaders have not shown that fundamental democratic characteristic of being able to communicate among themselves and of achieving a compromise for a common interest.

How to believe that they would rule differently from Milosevic? If no unification of the opposition is on the agenda, let's see if they're capable of cooperating with someone else other than themselves. Because we already have such a man. Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) leader Vuk Draskovic, Democratic Party (DS) leader Zoran Djindjic and Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) leader Vojislav Kostunica have talked to everybody except among themselves.

Naturally, democracy in Serbia and the opposition is still hindered by a Greater Serbia and the Serbs outside Serbia. Apart from several liberals left over from the distant future, Milosevic's greatest critics continue to be the sympathizers of Karadzic's Nazi-type democracy. These are our basic alternatives and that is why everything looks so hopeless. It still remains to be seen if the federation with Montenegro can continue and what will be done about Kosovo. And Serbian Radical Party (SRS) leader Vojislav Seselj still has to come out of jail.

I am purposely not making any difference between opposition parties, and I don't want to be too strict with them. It is not easy to be in opposition in a country such as this and with a regime like this. It is not easy with a people like this and its history, traditions and temperament. Democracy wasn't invented by people with a surplus of passion and intolerance. There is not much point in hoping that some better parties and leaders will show up soon, or that the existing level of democracy is a specific historical anomaly.

There, I admit that I am more inclined to agree with those who claim that such an order does not arise from the being of this nation and that the people would never have come up with it. It does not follow, however, that the matter should be rejected like some foreign body, and left to those whom it suits better. First of all, democracy doesn't come naturally to anyone, but it is doubtless better than anything that has been tried out so far. If it is up to the Serbian national being, the question which arises is would the Serbs ever have come up with: the railway, printing works, the telephone and deodorants. But, they have accepted all these novelties with time.

It is surprising and stupid and depressing that this must be proved now, and that the same holds true for parties, parliament, freedom of choice and the independent press. I agree that, somebody, somewhere, thought of it first, but then others saw that life was better and easier that way. Those who wish to proclaim backwardness part of the national character and preserve it as a vital identity characteristic, are wasting their time. The efforts of this national pedagogy are all in vain, just as they were during the period of socialism when efforts were made to persuade the people that they didn't want material capitalist blessings, rock music and jeans.

It is a fact that the so-called developed world has its problems. There are many arguments in favor of the theory concerning the crisis and fall of the West, one that our socialist theoreticians were preoccupied with for several decades. But don't you agree that it would be better to perfect the system of ruling oneself according to a model which is obviously superior, than to live in misery and under tyrannical despotism and wait for the West to come toppling down, and then see that our misery was an advantage? And this is where the greatest hopes are being invested in these parts. That is a why democracy doesn't function all that well here, and practically no one abroad has noticed that there is an opposition in Serbia and that it might be counted on.