The World Will Be Grateful to Us

About the meeting with Milosevic: I am not sure I am prepared to talk about that, but there certainly has been a meeting. It is important to note that the two of us can differ on matters such as the Contact group plan, the ways and directions of possible solutions to the Bosnian crisis, and on the timing of potential unification of all Serbian territories and the nature of such a union, but I do not believe we could ever be enemies.

The meeting was, of course, predominately about the acceptance of the proposed plan and we both retained the positions from a year or so ago. I think that the Contact group will break up before we finally stop talking about its plan.

About changes in the Contact group plan: Some meaningful changes have in deed taken place, but not meaningful enough. That is, in international relations it is very important and indeed decisive for one nation to accept something imposed by others. Soon, the question about the moral and political responsibility for the breakup of Yugoslavia and the secession of Bosnia-Herzegovina will be asked. Any acceptance, not only by us, but by FR Yugoslavia as well, provides the amnesty for the guilty. That is very dangerous. Of course this is not the end of history and things will soon turn the other way, and many will be grateful to the Serbs for enduring for so long.

About Milosevic's position: President Milosevic is now firmly refusing to recognize Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state. I am aware of the fact that, as well as the issue of recognition there is also a question of price, and President Milosevic is bargaining. However, I believe that even when given all that he demands, and that is the lifting of sanctions and the recognition of continuity and legacy of former Yugoslavia, he ought not to recognize Bosnia as a state. He could maybe recognize it as a union of two states, rather than one state comprising of two entities. He really ought to play "va banque" because the West, especially Clinton, are in more of a hurry than he is.

About why a recognition is demanded from Milosevic: Their first motive was to ruin him politically, on home ground, in Serbia. When they saw that he wouldn't recognize Bosnia in exchange for some suspicious suspension of sanctions which could easily be reversed, they realized that they are running out of time and they started responding to the price which he offered, obviously a very high one, since Frasier returned empty handed.

The third issue, and maybe the most important one is about the responsibility for the disintegration of Yugoslavia. If Bosnia is recognized, than the unilateral secession of Slovenia and Croatia ought to be recognized as well. The breakdown of Yugoslavia would thus be legitimized, and it would be crucial for FR Yugoslavia, as the main successor, to recognize the newly formed states and lift the responsibility off Kohl, Gensher, Mock, De Michelis, Baker, and others. That is the secret gain they are hoping for. That is why Milosevic should know that he is holding a trump card and should not play for a small stake.

We did send him messages to that effect, but I was never in a position to tell him so personally.

However, if he does...: The people in Srpska Republic would be hurt by such a decision but we would survive. It would not stop, but further intensify the war because it would allow the Muslims to treat us as rebels, which is what the West calls us already.

About the continuation of negotiations: Our condition for the continuation of negotiations is not the existence of a precise formulation which suits us, but the absence of a precise formulation that does not. However I think that the chances for further negotiations are greater now since the recent crisis strengthened the position of President Milosevic. The more we threaten with escalation and threaten the continuation of this low intensity war, which is favoured by the other side, the stronger becomes our negotiating position and the negotiating position of Serbia.

About the Hague and the hostages: I don't give a toss about their Hague. And one can not really call their bombs "diplomatic means". It was a drastic response to a drastic measure. They must know the price. The price of flying over our territory is having their jets shot down, and the price of bombing us is having their soldiers taken prisoners of war.

About whether there is still a psychiatrist, poet and man in him: The belief that psychiatrists go around analyzing people is mistaken. I am a psychiatrist only when a patient comes into my surgery and asks for help. Of course, my knowledge of psychiatry and poetic experience represent a part of my being.

When a poet visits us, he is welcomed by poets. When someone comes as a human being, we respond to his visit in a humane way, we are human after all. But when someone comes with bombs, then we greet him with bombs. I did order for UN troops to be captured, though I did not know exactly how the decision will be executed. But I have nothing against them being tied up. The response should always match the provocation.