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October 23, 1995
. Vreme News Digest Agency No 212
Banja Luka: Clash of Karadzic, Mladic and Milosevic

The Final Round

by Perica Vucinic (Belgrade) with Radmila Karlas & Petar Svacic (Banja Luka)

Using the well traipsed roads of flight, refugees in automobiles and tractors bearing that city's registration plates have marched into Banja Luka. They aroused shock amongst the inhabitants of Banja Luka. Much more tangible signs of imminent danger than the cannon roar, which preceded the refugee's and fellow townsmen's entrance, even though heard for the first time during this war. Some will admit with shame and remorse that they had, during those days of October 12-13, made plans who should go in whose automobile. As to where, the choice is instinctive: towards Serbia.

In such an atmosphere, the leader of the Bosnian Serbs, Radovan Karadzic, and the president of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, have started a new game for political prestige in the Serbian national corps, in the remainder of the former Yugoslavia. The last round was announced at the last session of the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia (NS RS), held at Banski Palace at Banja Luka, situated at most 35 kilometers from the nearest confrontation lines of the Serbian military forces with the military forces of the Government of Sarajevo and the Republic of Croatia. As can be determined from the number of replaced figures at this plenary session - four generals and a prime minister - the game shall be fierce. Animosity towards the leadership of the Bosnian Serbs which the Serbian president has felt was first revealed two years ago, when the leadership from Pale refused the peace settlement for Bosnia as proposed by co-presidents of the Conference for the former Yugoslavia, Lord David Owen and Cyrus Vance. Milosevic came to Pale in person, by an automobile which drove through Konjevic-Polje which was still smoking from the just finished Serbian offensive. With him arrived the Greek prime minister of that time, Mitzoutakis, the president of Yugoslavia Dobrica Cosic and a few Serbian high officials. He tried with his personal authority and with the authority of his guests to win a "for" in the parliament. Following that session in the Yahorina hotel Rajska Dolina, Dobrica Cosic declared that political reason has been defeated, Mitzoutakis was presented with a gusle (a national instrument), and the Assembly showed that in that region only Radovan Karadzic's authority is recognized. Milosevic imposed the first, short-lived blockade on Drina, by which he forbade the representatives from Pale to enter Serbian territory.

BLAMING OTHERS FOR THE DEFEATS: The rage of the Serbian president was short-lived, and when it passed, the war in Bosnia gained new momentum. When the Assembly of the Bosnian Serbs on July 19, 1994, following up on its presidency's strong suggestion, refused the new peace plan which the Contact Group had prepared, the Serbian president was inexorable. He imposed a blockade towards Drina, which local and international political observers regard as very serious. Deliveries of war materials have been drastically reduced, and unrelentingly, from Serbia into the RS only food and humanitarian aid were allowed in. The message was clear - that the civilian population should distance itself from the authorities. However, the majority of those people were intoxicated with military successes as were their authorities, as was the majority of Serbs in Serbia as well. Despite the expected, Radomir Karadzic's rating amongst the Serbs who live on the other side of Drina grew where it had never been high to begin with - amongst the Serbs in Western Bosnia, on the territory which in the last month has diminished in front of the offensive of the military force of Croatia and the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH). At this very second, Milosevic and his epigone Karadzic, battling for prestige, have no other stakes than actual territorial losses. Which actually amount to a seven thousand square meter territory and ten cities which the Serbs have lost. The technology of the battle for supremacy could have been foreseen - the Serbian president and the leader of the Bosnian Serbs are trying to blame each other for the defeat. As Milosevic is not directly on the terrain, the "advocates of Belgrade politics" shall be accused. Slobodan Milosevic has managed to, in the otherwise homogenous Assembly of the RS, win over to his side and to the side of his politics, eight members which have formed an independent member's club. The factor of dissatisfaction was blended into this dramaturgy of the members of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) from Bosnian Krajina, disillusioned by the loss of the Krajina territory. Shortly before the Assembly session, 20 members of the SDS signed an initiative for the overthrow of the current government and for the formation of a national salvation government which would be led by Andjelko Grahovac, one of Banja Luka's most capable businessman. At that moment it seemed as though Karadzic got a third of the opposition in the parliament (NS RS has 83 members); however, following the meeting of the SDS MP club the "heretic" members had abandoned their claim.

With their newly acquired homogenous structure, 58 members of the SDS had formally voted for replacements - the retirement of four generals and one lieutenant colonel. The opposition members got the resignation of Prime Minister Dusan Kozic, one of the haziest of the Serbian leadership figures in Bosnia. Kozic justified his act with moral and patriotic reasons and remained in his position until the new mandator is elected.

At first glance, it seems that Karadzic has come out stronger, but in order to retire the generals, he would somehow have to tell Belgrade to take them off the payroll there.

MAJOR DISASTER: The Assembly's decision to send a delegation, headed by Karadzic, to Milosevic in order to reconcile certain stands with him regarding negotiations and issues of the destiny of the Serb territory in Bosnia has received prime attention. Naturally, this was also a chance to remind everyone that Karadzic had handed the keys of negotiations over to Milosevic two months ago and that, therefore, they are to share responsibility for the unpleasant consequences which the chiseling down of the Serb held territories to 49 percent brought with it.

Milosevic refused to meet with that delegation. The message was clear - Karadzic shall have to face the discontent of the Serb Krajisniks, around 200,000 refugees and the impending humanitarian catastrophe alone. The citizens of Banja Luka and those we acknowledge as "ordinary people" are the mute spectators of this clash. They await answers as to why cities are lost and when will they stop falling, should they stop in Banja Luka and where should they settle. An officer of the Serbian military forces who has started off towards Beocac which is held by Croats has invited our associate to "come and see the army which is prepared to defend, but lacks a person to give it its command". The military and civilians blame each other for "selling out its territories", and for diminishing its territories by 49 percent, which, according to the plan of the international community is what belongs to the Serbs, achieved at the expense of Krajina. Karadzic, has hardly got a chance to throw the ball over to the military authorities in Krajina. Banja Luka's citizens did not forget that he had appeared for the first time in this city, following his pre-election campaign, at the exact moment when Italian cooking oil appeared on the market, and following that - mainly when his authority was threatened - during September 1993 when military forces rebelled and now, during September 1995. Far away from Pale, with not a single well-known representative of authority, the Krajina Serbs were referred to the military and trusted it more than others. The civilian authority presented itself only in extraordinary circumstances and by doing so, manifested itself through autocratic actions. In this case, with strong police forces and censorship of the media. By one decision of the Ministry of Information of the RS, all radio frequencies have been placed in the service of the state-owned Radio Banja Luka. In keeping with the poor relations of the military and civilians, the unison information space was disrupted by Radio Krajina, which supposedly nobody knows where it is broadcasted from. The Banja Luka citizens, consistent to their anti-Pale determination, mostly listen to that radio which interrupts its program with jingles like: "We do not lie to you"; "We speak the truth" and similar. A proclamation was found in the mail boxes titled "Krajina, hold your head up!"

The relation of the military and civilian authorities is best illustrated when security is compared between the Military House and in front of the Banski Palace, which serves at this moment as the headquarters of the representatives from Pale: in front of the former, not a civilian policeman, in front of the latter, not a soldier to be seen.

Somewhere outside of this clash in Krajina roam columns of refugees who stop in premises which lack hot water and are full of foul smells, called reception points. They tell stories of a tremendous misfortune which has befallen them, they ask themselves what is happening and they trust no one. They are certain that they are the ones who have paid the price for this war. When asked who is responsible for all this, they first say Karadzic, and then Milosevic. The former being closer to them.

Perica Vucinic, Belgrade

Radmila Karlas, Petar Svacic, Banja Luka

 

 

Predrag Radic, Mayor of Banja Luka

 

New Front

 

We are truly taking the destiny of Banja Luka and Krajina into our own hands, whether people like it or not

 

by Roksanda Nincic and Ljiljana Smajlovic

 

Commenting on Hrvoje Sarinic's claim that "there is no talk of Croatia exchanging the Srem-Baranja-Slavonija region for Banja Luka, henceforth General Delic is planning an inspection of his brigades in Banja Luka", the Mayor of Banja Luka, Predrag Radic, said for VREME:

"I wish to inform Mr. Sarinic that I would not exchange the people of Banja Luka for the Srem-Baranja-Slavonija region, nor would I do it for the whole of Croatia, and Mr. Delic and Izetbegovic should try to realize their ambitions in Bosnian and Herzegovinian cities under the control of their Croat allies - in Jajce, Mostar..., they should leave Banja Luka alone..."

Are you afraid that forming a Patriotic Forum for Krajina could be interpreted as Banja Luka's wish to exclude the city and Krajina from the general interests of the Republic of Serbia?

Krajina's Patriotic Front was formed by those who see the defense of their hearth as a holy mission, composed of people from various political parties and associations who for now consider their respective party and political membership as secondary. Now they are all - one. And when the war finally ends, when peace is stabilized, then we shall certainly discuss the relation of the center and it's parts, the relation of central power towards justified stands, demands and plans of the region, as well as of Banja Luka. There is a lot that has been inherited and that has been newly acquired but we should leave that issue aside. Here and now, we are fighting a crucial battle to protect our homeland. We do not believe in peace talks because even today (Thursday, October 19) the suburban parts of our municipality on Stricici, Zmijanje have been attacked with artillery fire, as has been Prijedor yesterday and the day before yesterday. I ask you whether NATO forces have bombed a single position of the Croat forces. We are truly taking Banja Luka's and Krajina's destiny into our own hands, whether people like it or not."

How do you explain your absence from the Banja Luka media for over a year?

I have learned to accept that Banja Luka media has become less and less Banja Luka's, and is connected to it purely due to its locality. I won't go to anybody for my opinion and as a war mayor, I have the obligation to tell the people what the real situation in this city is and who I believe in regardless of their name and religion. If I did not get a chance on state-owned media, I have made use of the newly-formed Radio Krajina. In a day or two, Big Radio shall go back to its primary concept - to serve the interests of this city, this area and these people. Big Radio is this city's radio station.

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