Who Is Lying?

The authorities wanted to harass the opposition and they invoked various decisions and bans including the ones to protect cultural and historic monuments.

Vuk Draskovic mentioned in his speech that some of the more reasonable Socialists tried to convince the Serbian president to allow a stage and PA system but he said he wouldn't allow it.

The opposition claims it cast away fears, but the fact is that just has to break through the general apathy. In sports terms, Belgrade doesn't like boring games. But maybe the problem lies in the fact that the liberation of the TV Bastille by toppling Milosevic has been played as many times as the most popular stage plays.

The opposition didn't really want to take to the streets this spring, and they weren't too fierce about it when they did.

Last week's rally was far from both excuses for it; the anniversary of the March 1991 demonstrations and the elections later this year. They didn't demand anything that wasn't immediately achievable, and perhaps they're that much wiser. Although, there was a great challenge in the air in the form of the Studio B takeover.

About 20,000 people who gathered on March 9 this year sent a clear message to the organizers with their lack of energy and small numbers: you're not quite finished but you have no real power. That could be dangerous if it encourages the authorities.

On one hand, the old politician was right when he said that the opposition opened up badly with the rally since both sides are scared of an empty rifle.

No one actually knew the post-Dayton power of Draskovic. Even a cautious Ratomir Tanic of New Democracy (ND) warned of the dangers of creating a Weimmar situation with instability in the mood of defeat which carries dictatorship. Unless that ND message wasn't forced out by solemn indications of quiet battles in the ruling coalition (Beta announced a reconstruction of the Marjanovic government in favor of JUL). Dusan Mihajlovic diplomatically took the ND chiefs to Sremski Karlovci on March 9 for a debate on urban planning in Serbia.

In any case, last week proved there is no need for the number of uniformed police in Belgrade, and it's a good thing they were out of direct contact with the crowd. Perhaps there was more opposition talk among the police who were dragged to Belgrade than among the opposition on the square.

Unless you're stupid and have an incurable habit of lying, you can't explain why Serbia's state TV (RTS) reported what it did about the rally that evening. It was as if they were trying to prove Lord Owen's theory that everyone in the Balkans lies as well as Karl Koschnick - who believes they lie and enjoy it. The RTS said that a crowd of people was drawn outside by the winter sun but dispersed once Draskovic showed up. The tone of the report was so pretentious that one man who lives outside of Belgrade called a friend in the capital to ask what really happened.

The opposition protested and sent a tape of the report abroad along with its own version of events.

Not everything was bad. The European flag flew on the square alongside party flags. And a decent rhetoric was tested on the square which spoke of democracy, economic renewal, social security and a state of law with the accent on fighting corruption.

That was the largest gathering addressed by Serbian Civil Alliance (GSS) leader Vesna Pesic and Democratic Party (DS) leader Zoran Djindjic.

Serbian Renewal Movement leader (SPO) Vuk Draskovic was the fiercest of the three: "Serbia was great until Slobodan Milosevic decided to make it great. All the Serbs lived in one state until Milosevic invited them to live in one state."

Perhaps the most refined speaker was Marko Milinkovic, law student and GSS member, who said: "Friends, we all have to accept part of the blame for being ruled by a despot. No one can be a tyrant over anyone who knows what freedom is and who knows his rights. They won't change, we have to change and we will change them".

The Goals

1. A single election list for the democratic parliamentary opposition.

2. United activities against the regime in and out of parliament.

3. Serbia's return to Europe, a renewal of true political traditions in the region and accepting and respecting basic international norms.

4. Developing all forms of cooperation and good relations in the Balkans and renewing severed ties with neighbors.

5. Speedy privatization with care taken about remaining social wealth and an economic revival.

6. Freeing the media of any form of party or ideological control and economic pressure.

7. Establishing a civil society and rule of law.

8. Fundamental reforms of the social, political and economic systems and improvement of the social position of the population.

9. A non-ideological, professional and adequately financed army and police in the service of the people and constitutional and legal order.

10. Creating a political and social environment for national reconciliation and removing the preconditions for civil war.