Distorted Mirror

In his interview to the German magazine Spiegel, Slobodan Milosevic said that politicians made their statements for their audiences. By saying this, he wanted to explain the discord between the unconciliatory statements by Bosnian Serb leaders and his conviction that they would implement the Dayton agreement. Politicians, thus, tell their citizens what they want to hear, and do what they can or have to do, and this is mostly true.

Even when speaking to foreigners and someone else's audience, they think of their own. Taking care not to disappoint or enrage their audience, politicians try to attract other people's, which is not difficult in normal circumstances. It is quite impossible only in war. With all his persistent pacifism, judging by how in Spiegel he addressed us, the Germans and everyone else, Milosevic is still at war with the rest of the world.

He did not seem unusually belligerent and he made a visible effort to spare Germany of sharp words, at least. The problem is, however, that his explanation of the causes of the war and his description of the current situation are so different from what the world knows, that they seem provocative, offensive and dangerous. He complained of having been called a nationalist and aggressor - he who had struggled for a multi-ethnic Yugoslavia and claimed that there was no minority anywhere in the world which enjoyed greater rights than the Albanians in Kosovo. On his part, that is, everything was in order and that is how it is nowadays, which means that in the future we can only expect him to improve the manner - something that all those who see him as the key factor of stabilization ought to think about. Someone might say that these are just empty words and that Milosevic is clearly aware of the failure of his policy, which can be seen by the concessions he has made. His denial of every responsibility could be understood as his realization of the defeat, for if he had fully succeeded, he would have easily admitted some wrong-doing.

But Milosevic in his interview mentioned the associates and allies who had disappointed him, so he probably thinks that Seselj, Dobrica Cosic or Bora Jovic were defeated, and not he who has finally remained alone with his most faithful associate, ally and wife. At any rate, whatever he thought of himself, it is clear that Milosevic cannot show the world another, acceptable face, so he essentially remains the man of war who is, due to circumstances, presently unemployed.

His innate arrogance may have been enhanced by his experiences from meetings with Western politicians and diplomats who usually look patient and too decent, as if someone could trick, bluff or frighten them. The picture of the weakness of Western democracies is partly true, but rather deceiving. If even the Soviet Union could not survive this game, Milosevic really has nothing to hope for - except extended isolation.

In the West, democracy is perhaps preceded by a certain amount of guilt which is certainly built deep into the roots. It can be recognized in the openness of spirit, in the readiness to understand the position of others and those who are different, in permanent questioning, institutionalization of possible changes, doubt of final solutions and evasion of violence. With all his being, Milosevic makes the impression of total opposition to all of the above, which will not be only his, but also our problem for as long as he represents us.

In the proportion in which we communicate with the West, misunderstandings are likely to continue, to outlive Milosevic and mark all the relations, even personal ones. Simply speaking, we are expected to show in some form that we are aware of our guilt, not because we did or did not do something, but as a sign of recognition, as a proof that we belong to the same civilization.

At a conference held recently in Vienna, which was imagined as Belgrade's promotion, I noticed a lack of understanding on both sides. Neither was this side represented only by Karadzics and Milosevics, nor was the other side represented only by Serb-terminators, but some general notions on what one side thought that the other side thought burdened every dialogue.

The world seems unable to realize how easy it was for someone living in Belgrade not to notice the war in Bosnia and that no one here had anything to do with it. People over there don't know all the good excuses we have: we were not informed, we did not vote for Milosevic, the Croats are equally guilty, the Muslims wanted to dominate, Europe is to blame, the innocent Serbs were accused, we ourselves were always against the war, we still have a few friends of other confessions and nations, we bore the sanctions, Serbs were expelled from Krajina and lost many territories in Bosnia, everything was paid for dearly, the war is over and forgotten, all of it has become boring, we have our jobs, duties, families...

This is a list of ordinary, human defense reactions and no doubt the feeling that we were collectively and unjustly punished will be following us for quite some time. I am afraid, however, that it is futile to hope that there will be a mass penance and purification among the Serbs, which is believed to be a prerequisite for their return to Europe and the world. This will not happen because the feeling of guilt is not a mass one, because the Serbs were not completely defeated, because there is not only one - the winner's - version of the war and because the final picture is not so simple.

As regards the return to Europe, things are even more complicated. Europe is not a church which excommunicated the Serbs and Serbia because of a committed sin, to accept them back after they have repented. Serbia, in fact, had half-belonged there a long time before the idea of a united Europe was launched. We are not speaking about a return, but about a possible advancement and the process is, for the time being, taking place only on the other side. Europe is coming closer and slowly encircling Serbia which has no way out and can only fool around with Milosevic, the United Left and the Russian-Chinese combinations.

The union is not based on moral principles and Milosevic might easily come to an agreement with his Western partners who have already accepted him with all his war luggage. No one will ask him to whip himself and admit guilt, but only to observe agreements. This makes it more difficult for everyone else to face anyone's moral questioning because of something which was perpetrated by the man who is becoming an unavoidable factor of peace. Unless there are some surprises, we might have a peculiarity which fits in with the total confusion appropriate at the end of a millennium. Milosevic handed down to us the sanctions which were meant for him, so he might hand down to us whatever else remains of his war adventures to be paid and suffered for. If the people efficiently got rid of him, they might even be pardoned. Considering the developments, however, he might eventually acquit himself and appear innocent.