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September 15, 1996
. Vreme News Digest Agency No 258
Stojan Cerovic's Diary

Every Nation For Itself

On the eve of the elections, Bosnia represents an admirable conglomerate of world nonsense which certain onlookers will most certainly proclaim to be a metaphor of global confusion towards the end of the millennium. It seems as though a group of the greatest eccentrics and jokers made up formulas and procedures, and demanded impossible compromises between various small and larger powers, principles and interests, where the most bizarre combination seemed as the most realistic one to them. And the strangest thing is, when we take a closer look, everything somehow has its logic and excuse.

The thing is that the war in Bosnia was, from the very beginning, leading directly nowhere. An absurd problem was made, therefore making logical solutions seem equally absurd. Even though subsequently some reasons can always be found which sound convincing, here evidently both the time and the place and the means and the goals were wrong. It could have been expected that Europe would step in as well as Russia and America and the Islamic community. Even the fact that those foreign interventions were non- efficient and that the war went on for such a long time is not unusual, since the new relations of the world powers had to be established first, for which the unfortunate Bosnia came as good practice.

Ethnic cleansing was accomplished which are impossible to accept and even more difficult to annul. Crimes were committed for which there is no punishment in this world, mass graves are being dug up now, and those who have been indicted are for now, only with the utmost difficulty, taken away from the cameras and the microphones. As the main culprits, the Serbs are partially defeated, but neither the Croats nor the Muslims have any reason to feel like winners. All of them got a certain piece of the land, but the right to govern themselves has been drastically limited to all of them.

Specially for this occasion, the non-comprehensible and legally neutral term "entity" has been created on which nobody can find even an ounce of authority and statehood. The true meaning of that word shall be determined later, when the international community, that is America, decides upon it. Even the shape of the entity, as it is drawn up in Dayton, is in no way less stranger and clearer than its status. All is temporary and provisional, while the reinstatement of an undivided state is expected, and that by the will of the people.

However, it turned out that the test of the will of all three peoples is held in an atmosphere of total contempt for that will. Namely, it is clear that the winners shall be national parties, not only due to the fact that they mainly control their media, but because the antagonism of the three peoples which have just come out of a war is perfectly realistic, expected and natural. The establishment of a joint state is, however, a goal which was set in advance. The paradox, therefore, consists in the fact that the mandate to head such a state shall fall upon those who speak against it most, or who most fiercely represent only their religion and nation.

Because of that, many believe that these elections are lost in advance, that they shall lead to a final division of Bosnia, that some other people and better forces didn't get a chance, that it is all premature and put into the function of the American elections to too great a degree. The connection between the Bosnian and the American elections is very apparent. The first had to precede the second since Clinton has to proclaim success, and in America to hold free elections is esteemed as the highest proof that all is right and in accordance to the will of the people. However, that doesn't mean that America shall completely pull out of Bosnia after the elections. Everything, therefore, reminds us of those times when here, on state holidays, ribbons were cut and unfinished plants, as well as roads and railroad tacks were being officially opened and business was continued later.

In any case, I believe that the chances for the survival or restoration of Bosnia shall not be lessened, regardless of the election results. Namely, the idea isn't to bring "brotherhood and unity" back to life and it is obvious that no one has illusions about the strength and influence of the preachers of love despite nationalities and religion. A very small number of those has survived or they are falsely presenting themselves. The Americans, who have taken Bosnia under their wing, although they believe in the will of the people, don't in the least bit believe that human nature is unchangeable. They don't start off with the notion that anyone can be reshaped and led to become something utterly different.

It seems as though the Americans are reasoning over Bosnia in the following manner: feel free to chose whomever you wish, we shall teach anyone state obligations, order, manners and respect for international interests. For local taste, their approach seems fairly humiliatory and offensive, yet no one can doubt its efficiency. Those who doubt should only remember what they managed to do with Slobodan Milosevic. If they had managed to turn such poison into sweets, they will probably know how to come to terms with the Bosnian diehard quality. Judging by all facts, America and the international community don't insist upon the survival of Bosnia purely out of inertia or personal prestige, but rather because to agree to a final division would bring about greater perils and risks. Such a possibility is, in the last instance, placed into the far future, too far off to allow anyone to believe that it would pay off to wait and live to see that day, just like the wait for communism didn't pay off. But, since people in this part of the world are used to waiting, maybe a battle against such a habit shall be the first and greatest post-election task of the international community.

During the election campaign, all the main pretenders for national leaders promised their people freedom and a state. Since they know that they shall have to share those two things with others, they kept repeating that there would be no life together, leaving only the possibility of living next to each other. It seems that the people there like to hear that, although it is difficult to discern what that means. It could sound like an oath to never ending hate, or only as a rejection of the above mentioned brotherhood and unity. Practically, it smells mostly of segregation, probably aimed against the traditional Bosnian institution called 'living in each other's pockets'. If they are compelled to share a state, it seems that in all three nations a lot shall be done to develop their own identity and people shall withhold from mixing with others. Nobody knows how far such a process shall get, but Bosnia shall for certain shall -while in the future- be an ideal climate for romantic offenders such as Romeo and Juliet.

Anyway, the difference and boundary between the mutual and parallel life still remains a bit unclear. Although in Bosnia we have a competition in fundamentalism among three nations, the possibility remains that the idea of a life next to each other carries in itself a grain of civilizational progress in terms of individualization. That would, naturally, mean that people would live next to each other even amongst ethnic groups, just as married couples often live next to each other rather than together. If the idea of segregation were to be comprehended in such a way, chances exist that it could tear away and turn against the intention of the fundamentalists who had launched it.

Finally, as parties are warming up for elections even in Serbia and Montenegro, a certain, if even metaphorical parallel with Bosnia comes to mind. Serbian opposition parties, even the coalition "Zajedno", won't, or so it seems, be in a condition to appear on the elections even next to each other, but rather as everybody against everybody. Up until now they have perfectly managed to forget about Milosevic and the socialists, and are expressing the best intention to offer their voters a harsh and exciting battle for second place, that is, for first place of the opposition.

Since politics have become a private matter for our local opposition leaders; since I refuse to become mixed up in anybody's private affairs; since I fail to see whose business it is anyway, and as I don't wish to spoil their fun, I shall try to immediately impose upon myself the obligation of an election black out, if only with regards to the opposition. Therefore, things stand so that the period following the elections in Bosnia shall be interesting; in Montenegro election surprises could be in store, while the bewitched country of Serbia at least won't have to upset itself neither with the elections nor after it.

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