Waiting to be recycled

Miomir Minic, the newly elected president of the Chamber of Citizens of the Federal Parliament, is surely the man on whose personal example in future many of the socialists who have taken a false step shall learn, especially those due to whom the ruling party had to win the local elections through it's courts and committees, that is only after a third or fourth count. The former Socialist Party of Serbia's (SPS) general secretary Minic at one point also started to stumble and was removed to the secondary party tracks - to manage the state-owned railroad. He put in appearances only from time to time when the public needed to be shown that Serbia is approaching the future via the "fast tracks". According to the ruling party's slang that actually meant that Minic belonged to personnel which was "being recycled", those who are still on hold in the chief's personnel cards and are not utterly forgotten, yet of whom a lot of hard work is also expected before returning to the grand stage. Between the two election rounds Minic acquainted himself with the entire Valjevo region on foot, gathered all the directors of local companies and all those who are close to the state strongbox, "wrung" their hands and ears and explained that without a victory of the socialists there shall be no more sun or water. Not to mention funds and business deals. Wherever Minic (nicknamed "Holbrooke from Valjevo") passed, the opposition lost at the end. Even in environments in which after the first round the defeat of the socialists seemed inevitable. After that, it was absolutely certain that the "recycling process" had ended and that Minic shall soon from "fast tracks" move onto something a lot more tangible. And that, after these elections, many of those who were constantly present on the TV screens until yesterday shall be forwarded to personnel "recycling".

If we are to accept the long-ago formulated thesis by which Milosevic's associates are merely a "means" and not the "creators of the policies", then it could be stated that on the previous elections those "means" were used up more than ever before. So much so that in the SPS ranks people are uttering in half whispers that the party could do with an extraordinary convention in spring. Anyway, the regular one, held at the beginning of March of this year, was dedicated to approaching the 21 century. At the extraordinary one, which is spoken of in half whispers, word definitely would be of how to maintain power in these couple of years prior to the beginning of the 21 century, taking into account that next year new elections await.

At this moment, as VREME's SPS sources claim, a rather large degree of nervousness and great expectations are reigning in this party. Orders have come from the top to continue work in a normal manner as though nothing has happened, yet that proves to be a lot more difficult to put into practice. Following the elections, those who have been marked as guilty for the defeat in the larger cities are preparing themselves to "kneel on corn" and are not too agile since they don't know what to do next. Some, like the legendary Mile Ilic, have been forced to withdraw with the explanation that they wish to enjoy the "honorable and great victory" in peace which they sometimes attained even with the help of kick box. The others don't seem to overly believe in the victory attained by the courts and fear that it could be only temporarily valid. Together they are all waiting for the snow to fall and the temperatures to drop below zero, when, according to widely spread belief in the ruling party, the demonstrations could dwindle out on their own. They are also counting on the fact that Christmas is approaching so that the cameras of CNN and all other major TV stations might also return to their homes and disappear from the streets of Belgrade. Naturally, they are also waiting (as always in similar situations) for Milosevic to publicly or secretly do something which would bring about a turning point and draw attention to completely different aspects.

The first "secret" turning point was not overly successful. Last Saturday, for more than 2,5 hours, the President of Serbia spoke to Kati Marton, the president of the world organization for the protection of journalists. On that occasion he promised not to tamper with the media anymore and, according to the claims of Mrs. Marton (Belgrade television claimed nothing since it failed to register the presence of Richard Holbrooke's spouse in Belgrade), he tore and then signed some papers on the freedom of the media. In a conversation with the journalists Mrs. Marton brought forward the impression that Milosevic seems rather sad. And, as she says, is chain smoking. Not even the first public appearance of Milosevic following the election fraud proved to be utterly successful, nor did it bring about the expected turning point. The President of Serbia received the delegation of the leading construction companies directors, which shall be engaged in the construction of the transjugo highway, announcing great work victories and a quick approach to Europe, which, during those very days sent messages that due to the election fraud and thefts it shall keep us in quarantine for a long time, which means far away from the strongbox and credits. The invited directors (what sincerely, what feigned), acted happy and were publicly delighted on account of this new Serbian "Potemkin's villages". However, only for the maintenance of the existing highways of Serbia, 700 million dinars are annually required, while for the construction of highways which Milosevic has announced as a finished thing, between 8 and 10 billion dollars are needed.

Still, what will be remembered is that this time as well, in a moment which was critical for the SPS and Milosevic himself, the important role was played out by Milutin Mrkonjic Mrka, the man who starts spreading out maps and projects for "carrying on" whenever the going gets tough. In December 1992, when Milan Panic managed to rather seriously threaten Milosevic in the presidential race, in the very finish of the pre-election campaign Mrkonjic spread out the project of the railroad line Milosevac-Bijeljina in CIP (Center of Construction and Planning), where he was director at the time. This railroad was Serbia's pre-election present to their brothers over the Drina river, on which Karadzic and the complete authorities of the Serbian Republic thanked the President of Serbia in front of the TV cameras. Milosevic then won at the elections owing in a large degree to his image of a man who is the only person who worries about the Serbs across the Drina, while Mrka shortly packed up the project for the railroad whose construction was never again mentioned. This time at the critical moment the highway project was unpacked. Vecernje Novosti daily announced a bright future by their more than symbolic caption Quicker By Road Than By Railroad. Does that mean that the so-called fast track project was quickly abandoned? At the promotion of this great new project, by which, also symbolically, messages were sent that what was going on in the streets of Belgrade were not unduly troubling anyone from the government, the absence of the Serbian construction minister and president of Belgrade's socialist, Dr. Branislav Ivkovic, was conspicuous. Otherwise, on Ivkovic's absence two versions exist: according to the first - he wasn't invited, according to the second - he still doesn't dare put in an appearance in the presence of Milosevic, who has put him and the mayor Nebojsa Covic on top of the list of those responsible for the electoral failure. Those who carefully watch RTS (which for a long time ranks as an inhuman cerebral activity) claim that during the meeting held between Milosevic and the constructors the cameraman was consciously bypassing the present Serbian Prime Minister Mirko Marjanovic.

In the analysis of the electoral failure in the large cities, Marjanovic's name was mentioned as well. What was held against him was that between the two rounds his government was too involved in the electricity prices and was sending out high bills to the citizens, which could have been accomplished following the elections. Overdue pensions were also mentioned. Which is why it was hinted to the Serbian prime minister that he could shortly "take up new duties", while his allegedly poor health saved him from harsher criticism. Even the President of SRJ Zoran Lilic was mentioned in a negative light, for it was held against him that he was strolling down the streets of Pirot, eating bread and shaking hands with the citizens as if though in the midst of a presidential campaign, instead of "toeing the line for the party". And what occurred following his stroll down the streets of Pirot in the second round is well known.

In the personnel files of Covic and Ivkovic, an incomparably larger number of "negative characteristics" was entered. Displeasure was evoked due to the fact that prior to the elections they were spending excessive amounts of energy on personal promotions and on having their pictures taken in front of various TV crews. Following the first round Milosevic personally sent them a message to get cracking and not to celebrate their Belgrade victory in advance. "Instead of 'plowing' the field as Minic, they were lulled by their belief that being so 'handsome' and 'smart' they couldn't lose Belgrade", says an SPS official for VREME. "For example, between the two rounds Covic toured Vracar in which we had no chance to win, instead of putting more effort into Zemun and other municipalities where chances were very realistic. Even after the elections, both of them took too long to ponder over how they could have lost Belgrade, while they should have immediately come forward with a couple of pre-arranged versions for the newly emerged situation".

Ivkovic seemed to find his feet before Covic and started calculating. A few days following the announcement of the results, when the atmosphere which reigned in Belgrade SPS circles seemed almost commemorative, he unexpectedly convened a meeting of the party headquarters one evening and announced a state of mobilization, explaining that "legal possibilities" existed which would enable the elections in the capital city to be won after all. An indirect affirmation of such a thing is voiced in a newspaper interview of the president of New Democracy, Dusan Mihajlovic, who says: "We have heard rumors that Belgrade's SPS top officials have estimated that legal possibilities existed for the annulment of a large number of mandates, primarily of the coalition Zajedno, thereby getting a chance to, in the third election round, turn their defeat into victory". Mihajlovic voiced these thoughts trying to justify Slobodan Milosevic personally from such unscrupulous activities, since, allegedly, all that was accomplished without his knowledge and on the basis of an initiative of the local authorities. Which makes it look as though the lower ranking officials of SPS are the ones who are marring the president's otherwise angelic character. "It is obvious that those who had met with defeat (which Milosevic did not but the Belgrade SPS authorities did) tried to extend the legal procedures, get a chance to make up for their results in the third round", explains Dusan Mihajlovic.

Towards the end of last week, the president of New Democracy named Gorica Gajevic, the general secretary of SPS, as the person who had "served" the President of Serbia with "false data". In SPS itself there are those who claim that such a thing is very probable and that many top ranking officials "are protecting themselves by exclusively presenting the President with information which suits them". On the other hand, others claim that all that resembles the story of the "naive chamber-maid" and stress that Ms. Gajovic is a player of "too small a format" to be able to dupe the allegedly naive Milosevic. Both sides however agree that Ms. Gajevic is also seen to be headed for "recycling" and that she is not capable of handling the situation.

As far as Belgrade is concerned, for now it is utterly certain that Nebojsa Covic will no longer be the mayor. Answering a question as to what duties shall Covic hold in future, our collocutor says: "He has more than enough duties. When he leaves his house in the morning he doesn't know which way to turn first". The former mayor of Belgrade has for now refrained from making any statements and leaves the impression of a man who feels contrition with regards to the elections in Belgrade.

The officials from the lower echelons on the city level otherwise see fault with the city and party top circles in dawdling over Belgrade for too long, saying that preparations for assembling the new City Hall have to be maximally stepped up. In certain analysis, the question was posed - why, since elections were annulled on a massive scale, was not the same thing done in Zemun, and this important Belgrade municipality was handed over to Seselj without a "court battle". Judging by all facts, someone had assessed that it was better to keep Seselj as a possible ally in City Hall, which is now looked upon as a huge mistake. Seselj's success in Zemun now matches up with an internal party analysis, which, prior to the elections, showed that a large number of SPS sympathizers were not overly pleased with the coalition with Yugoslav United Left (JUL). Around 18 percent of the polled were against a coalition with JUL, while fifteen percent said that they would rather vote for Seselj's radicals in case a coalition is formed with the organization of Mira Markovic. Which is why the well informed Seselj keeps repeating these days how JUL was the one who had helped his radicals most of all.

Judging by all facts, JUL is also the cause of great apprehension for most of the socialists, especially those who are heading the party on the municipal level. According to them, Draskovic and Djinjdic still lack the support of a "critical mass" of demonstrators and shall soon be driven from the streets by winter and snow, so that in the end they shall not overly profit by it. Until the next elections there is plenty of time and anything could happen, especially in the municipalities in which the opposition will hold power. The socialists aren't overly worried by the students either, for which most of them truly believe that they have been "manipulated" and do not present a serious force. On top of that, a lot is laid at the stake of Serbian mentality and provincial logic by which the students are usually regarded as "lazy good-for-nothings", those who are living "on somebody else's expense", and on top of that are usually "well dressed". Which is why every evening RTS, along with routinely "reprimanding" the demonstrations also presents certain "esteemed" farmers who are astonished and amazed how those "thugs in Belgrade are breaking what all of us have built". The "average" SPS official is not overly worried by world pressure either, since general belief has it that Milosevic is secretly meeting with many diplomats, is receiving and sending messages and has things in control since "the world cannot do without him". The people (those who cannot hear Radio B92) don't know anyway what the world is saying about the elections in Serbia and what type of messages are arriving in Belgrade these days. On SPS coordinates secret messages are mentioned which are allegedly telling Milosevic: "we shall make some noise, however, in actual fact, we don't care what you do, just don't do it so blatantly". Apart from the top party circles, consciousness of the fact that that for the first time the judiciary and education nomenclature has seriously started to crack here and that even certain officers are raising their voices, does not exist. It is believed that the powerful system of control can neutralize all of it and that the government, despite the extremely unpleasant situation (hand in somebody else's pocket), is still not threatened.

Which therefore leaves only JUL, which is feared most and whose appetites reach long after they have overstepped the realistic strengths of this political organization. In the Federal Parliament out of the 64 MP seats which belong to the left coalition, JUL took 20 seats for themselves, the same number as the ruling party of Montenegro, DPS. In internal agreements regarding the distribution of functions, the Montenegrins have been seriously offended by JUL's status and, allegedly, demanded that half the ministerial seats in the future government be handed over to them. Leaving the SPS to come to terms with their own monsters.

When speaking of how JUL is being towed along by the socialists, which is confusing the members more than ever and causing them to grumble, one of VREME's collocutors mentions the example of the Vozdovac municipality. One of the municipal top officials there, in the midst of his SPS mandate, exchanged his membership card for a JUL one, in order to come closer to the headquarters of this organization. In the recent elections, as a JUL candidate for the Vozdovac municipality, he barely managed to acquire some thirty odd votes and, naturally, failed. On the elections for City Hall, where SPS and JUL stood together, it managed to enter into the second round in a rather superior way. What happened later is of little consequence, since the court counted the votes later. These and similar examples are convincing the "average socialist" more and more that Bidza, the SPS leader in Svilajnac, has made the right move when he forbade anyone to enter the realms of his party enclosure. In the meantime, Bidza became a true SPS hero, one of the first who refused to call the cockroach a nightingale.

"Not only did we not gain anything with them, but on top of that they believe that they are the only left forces, while we present something else. Milosevic shall come to terms with Washington in one way or another after these elections, yet I am certain that he shall have a lot more problems with Mira's party", says VREME's collocutor.

The atmosphere in the SPS at this moment in a large measure corresponds to the pre-election party slogan "carry on", although another part could be added on stating "until otherwise instructed". The membership isn't overly certain whether the boss shall order something different at the end and under pressure renounce the victory after which joy failed to exist and which left a serious moral shadow hanging over all of them.