Nightmare to Authorities

The visit of the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Lamberto Dini was useful in the sense that through him we found out that Milosevic shall not call upon his supporters to come to Belgrade and compare their strength with the local demonstrators. First of all, we had no idea that such a danger was lurking. Furthermore, it sounds nice when he himself admits that he has no supporters in Belgrade. Finally, since we know how merciful and generous he is, we cannot comprehend this promise in any way other than as an admittance that even outside of Belgrade he has no one who would lift a finger for him. Unless he was to dress his policemen into peasant gear.

After the 9th of March (1991), while he was still in better shape, he had organized a counter-meeting on Usce (a park designated by the authorities for rallies in Belgrade), which turned out to be mostly pensioner like. The cordon of police had then managed to hold back the fierce pensioners who were all set to lunge at the fickle-minded students at Terazije. Therefore, this time Milosevic has kindly spared himself of even greater shame and has renounced means which he does not dispose of.

In such occurrences, when a mass movement is obviously spreading and growing, the most important thing is to comprehend the factor of speed. Not only is nothing like it was prior to November 17, it isn't anything like it was a week ago. When the Supreme Court refused the complaint of the opposition Milosevic still believed that at the end he could come out stronger than ever before. He probably relied on the authority of the courts, not comprehending the rate of the mental revolution which was unfolding in the cities of Serbia. People have simply stopped respecting and listening to his courts and his press and television.

He was certain that he at least knew how to rule over this country, yet it turns out that what has been valid so far, is no longer valid. Silence and ignorance didn't help, the story about the destruction of Belgrade didn't help, the Court didn't help, the accusation of collaboration with Serbian enemies didn't help (on account of Adem Demaci's support for the protest), the attempted break-up of the student protest didn't help, even the effort to make Djindjic and Draskovic fall out failed, as did patriotic nagging on account of foreign flags. This tyrant has simply all of a sudden found himself on unknown territory, where he is no longer even sure of the law of gravitation. What used to be most difficult, himself and his government, are becoming lighter and are slightly beginning to float.

In the course of this month the country has developed a yet unseen immunity towards all that comes from the government and has started to reject it just as an organism rejects a foreign body. If this rate continues, that process could practically be concluded in a few weeks. By unusual instinct people have comprehended that walking is the most important thing here; walking all over the city, the longer the better, have naturally given birth to the idea of marathon inter-city walks. The boycott aimed at the media somehow extended into a transportation means boycott. As though a feeling emerged that we have to turn towards nature, with our bodies and senses, and oppose all modern technology which has here turned against life.

That Milosevic isn't capable of gathering and organizing any type of counter manifestation is proof that the complete potential of enthusiasm and activism is on the other side, which means that the story of a civil war shall amount to nothing. He has lost that war in advance. As far as violence is concerned, the only thing left for him to do is to forbid walking by law and to start stretching barbed wire over the streets and squares.

It would really be useful to peep over the regime plot, since the story of this drama isn't complete until we know what each of them is speaking of these days, is doing and is hoping for. As I lack patience to wait for their memoirs, I am forced to lean upon my own imagination. The scene that I envisage is in no way less exciting than what is going on in the streets. Mrs. Markovic, angrily and highly decisively, takes the stand that no concessions should be made in this counter-revolution and that the forces of progress have a historical obligation to use all means. While she is talking, a few of the best taken care of directors and entrepreneurs unanimously nod their heads. The words that can most often be heard are "by no means", "never", "unconditionally", "unwaveringly" and "not for the world".

During all this Milosevic is constantly on the phone, receiving reports, issuing orders, swearing at and threatening the Montenegrins. A few ministers and party top officials are silent and think how they actually know nothing, no one has asked them, they stuck to the rules, all was fine in their departments, and everyone knows who makes the decisions here. Some of them rely on their expertise and say to themselves: "such personnel shall be of use to anyone". Some are anxious and are deeply regretting that, in a moment of weakness, had spilled the beans to a friend on something of the utmost importance and are now absolutely certain that that very person shall make it public in order to save himself.

Most of them know too much about each other and look at each other on the sly filled with the blackest doubts. They remember all those that they know from the opposition, who they had done a favor for, who they were friendly to and hope that it was remembered. All strive to sit as far away from the speaker of the parliament of Serbia, Dragan Tomic, as possible. All this falls hardest upon the editors and directors of television stations and large newspapers. Accusations are pouring at them from all sides, and they don't even dare to admit how hard it is to force any literate person to sign any of those make believe stories. They think how truly unfair it all is that only their work is apparent, while all others have room to maneuver, hide and deny. None of them feel up to anything anymore, they are horribly irritated by the noise from the streets and would awfully like to be simply left alone. At the same time, all are constantly demanding the latest news and security services assessments and are interested in world messages and reactions. When they are left alone, they tune into Radio B 92, yet always find that they can't handle it, and somewhat relax and find new hope by watching television. Yet, as they know who and how is making that program, that doesn't relax them either. They simply can't explain to themselves how their mood seems to undergo changes a few times per day and how easily they fall from exaltation to despair.

Now, most definitely, all hopes are pinned upon the OSCE mission which shall tell them what they already know themselves. Moreover, Milosevic shall see to it so that the findings and suggestions of that mission shall be only slightly unfavourable for him, since by now he most definitely knows that in the contrary the mass would remain on the streets, while he has addressed OSCE with the hope of restoring order in the country which he himself had disordered to such a great extent. It will be easier for him to admit his sins and make a concession in front of those strangers rather than to have everybody see him retreating in front of Vuk Draskovic, Zoran Djindjic, Vesna Pesic and in front of all of us.

However, the ongoing revolution has set itself goals which are even more ambitious than the very liberation from tyranny. Here people are at the same time demonstrating in name of the nonexistent, future legality which is where the strong discipline, pacifism, persistence and emphasis on reasonable demands stem from. The basic wing of the movement aims towards disputing the complete government structure and Milosevic himself, but without intending to undertake something like a final charge which would implicitly include violence. It seems as though this time readiness exists to attain only what has been stolen and annulled, while the half-naked tyrant is free to get dressed since all have seen and remembered him well.

It is believed, with good reason that he no longer has any way to recover, yet I am truly interested and I find it difficult to conceive how Serbia shall look and how the tyrant shall find his bearings once this revolution is concluded. With the opposition in power in the cities, with media which shall not be able to remain so madly false, that man shall for the first time seem pitiful. Maybe for this man the real, deserved end would be that very nightmare of a government which no one respects, which no one is afraid of and which can no longer deceive anyone.