Keep My Hands Clean

Did Montenegro really miss an opportunity to help Serbia "more than the US can at this time," as Vuk Draskovic put it. That issue is even more topical now following a session of the republican parliament. That session saw two Montenegro clash; the authorities and the opposition clashed fiercely over assessments of the situation in Serbia and ways to help resolve it. The opposition wanted the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) to choose a side and set up a joint democratic block in federal parliament to strike a final blow against Milosevic.

The initial draft of the opposition National Accord coalition included a clear distancing from the Milosevic regime, condemnation of the "vote stealing", support for the student and opposition demonstrations across Serbia and a demand for Milosevic to unconditionally accept the findings of the OSCE commission.

The DPS submitted amendments which changed the text of the resolution and that draft was adopted after DPS parliament group chief Predrag Bulatovic said the Montenegrin parliament should not adopt anything that could contribute to an escalation in Serbia. Even Milosevic would sign the resolution that was adopted because it only expressed "concern over the events in Serbia" is the general assessment in Podgorica.

Parliament Speaker Svetozar Marovic went one step further: "Today the choice in Serbia is not who is for the opposition and who is for the authorities, today in Serbia they are deciding who is for democracy. I expect the people who invited the OSCE commission, the ones who met with it, to accept its report. That is the first step, an important step to overcome the crisis in Belgrade and Serbia."

Unlike the resolution, Marovic was very specific and that caused another shock among the public in the republic. At first, the state media only used Tanjug and RTS reports which suggested that the people gathered in Belgrade were a mob bent on destroying everything.

The next day Montenegrin state TV viewers were shocked. One state TV-controlled channel aired CNN reports from Belgrade and a local reporter was sent to Belgrade to cover the demonstrations. A special report on the protests was aired just days later, turning the mob into a peaceful crowd and portraying Draskovic, Djindjic and Pesic as leading democrats.

In parliament however, some DPS members tried to prove that the state media had been reporting objectively from day one, that the National Accord coalition (Montenegrin opposition) had humbly asked for the cooperation of the Zajedno coalition, that the Zajedno leaders don’t see them as partners and even quoted Draskovic and Djindjic who spoke of the openness of the state media in Montenegro. That search for an excuse came up with opinions that the National Accord resolution advocates a redefining of Montenegro’s status and a stand voiced by deputy Prime Minister Slavko Drljevic that Montenegro might even print its own money.

That duplicitous approach by the Montenegrin authorities was explained by National Accord leader Novak Kilibarda: "In Montenegro, the Bulatovic-Djukanovic-Marovic triumvirate is still afraid of the patron whose convoy brought them to power and they’re only voicing harmless criticism not at him personally but at his entourage. On the other hand, the Podgorica regime is turning towards the democratic movements in Serbia but avoiding the word Zajedno and is only speaking of the student movement. they haven’t mentioned the causes of the democratic movements."

Podgorica's Law School professor Milan Popovic expected many more Montenegrins to show solidarity with the protests in Serbia: "There wasn’t a greater show of solidarity, I think, because of the relatively undeveloped civic society and democratic institutions in Montenegro. That is becoming clear now. The authorities have managed to paralyze most of the opposition energy that exists in Montenegro with its duplicity, manipulation and propaganda. I think the political crisis in Serbia has brought a greater awareness to Montenegro. In my opinion there was a kind of optical illusion that democracy was much more developed in Montenegro than it is because the opposition orientation here is mainly the democratic orientation of the people and is in accord with the defense of endangered, legitimate Montenegrin national interests and identity."

It’s clear that Milosevic, thanks to the state media, lost support in Montenegro and the political leaders here are showing it as much as they dare. National Accord leader Slavko Perovic says Montenegrin President Momir Bulatovic, who swore an oath on the FRY constitution, has to demand respect for the will of the people. Kilibarda says the Podgorica regime is in a panic because they’re not sure Milosevic will fall. The public is concerned that events in Serbia will turn bloody and that the sanctions will be reimposed.

Maturing in a Hurry

"The demonstrations in Belgrade and other places in Serbia are confusing the dictator who isn’t at a level of civilization to assess the power of the whistle in the hands of young Serbians. He would find his way around much more easily in a typical Balkan clash. He would rely on the police and nouveau riche to impose a bloody order and the single-party parliament would welcome that act as a constitutional solution. In simple terms, the regime in Serbia is incapable of making an assessment of the democratic process which has three characteristics: youth which won’t go to war, a hurriedly matured opposition in the Zajedno democratic coalition, a democratic coalition with a civic profile and the ability and readiness of the democratic world to assess and accept that process." (Novak Kilibarda)