Clash of the Leaders

The Albanian position on the crisis in Serbia is quite interesting. The leadership of the ethnic Albanian movement in Kosovo was surprized not only with the impact of the discontent and rifts in Serbia, but also the effects of these developments on life in Kosovo and Albania. The moment the reaction of the opposition and citizens in Serbia exceeded the form of a protest and became something much bigger - a drive to change the system and oust the regime, rifts in the top of the "parallel" ethnic Albanian authorities in Kosovo appeared simultaneously. Forces advocating status quo came under strong pressure from those wanting changes and a quick way out of the crisis both in Belgrade and Pristina. The lonelier Milosevic got as the Belgrade protest went on, the harder Rugova found it to cope with crossfire coming from left and right. Some thought the fate of the two leaders will be related. Should Milosevic fall, he will take Rugova down with him, some commentators said. However, it seems that conclusions of this kind are hasty and uncalculated.

There is a big and essential difference between a militant and Machiavelli-styled political like Milosevic, and an endlessly patient Rugova, who wants a political solution to the problem. That is where the paradox of Rugova's internal difficulties rests - his policy came under heavy criticism at a time when he confirmed his high rating in the offices of the great powers, notably the United States.

This time, however, the US support did not have the desired effects. Rugova was simultaneously criticized in Pristina, Tirana and Paris (some believe it is no coincidence). All three attacks were inspired by events in Serbia. His policy was discredited in Pristina by Adam Demaqi, who called it weak, colorless, calculated and capitulating. Rugova's strategy of waiting and relying on foreign arbitration was confronted by Demaqi's active Ghandi-styled resistance, non-violent but aimed at protecting national and political rights in spite of the risks and possible casualties.

A campaign against Rugova and his Democratic Alliance of Kosovo was organized by Albanian television, watched via satellite or directly throughout Kosovo. The campaign culminated with an interview by the most prominent Albanian writer, Ismail Kadare, who accused Rugova and the DSK of compromising the cause and jeopardizing a just solution to the Kosovo issue with their half-hearted policy.

On the other hand, Demaqi's public support to Serbian opposition, received well in Belgrade and among democratic forces in Kosovo itself, had a worrying counter-effect: the Belgrade regime jumped on it as evidence of Albanian involvement in the Belgrade events, calling Vuk Draskovic and other opposition leaders "Albanian mercenaries" ! Public support to the awakened and democratic-oriented Serbia has become a delicate and ungrateful issue.

Hence Demaqi and official Tirana stopped with euphoric statements and assessments of events in Serbia, to avoid playing into the hands of the Belgrade regime.

Rugova and his party modified their position from a total lack of interest to general support for democratization in Serbia, keeping a healthy distance until the Serbian opposition declares itself on the Kosovo matter. "The democratic movement in Serbia should be given as much support as it deserves for its actual character. Our long and bitter experience prompts us not to be euphoric and refrain from identifying our cause with the Serbian opposition. As we are aware of the relation between democratization in Serbia and ways of settling the dispute in Kosovo, we cannot turn a blind eye on the inconsistencies and shortcomings of the Serbian opposition. Although the Kosovo issue is crucial for the democratization of Serbia, the Serbian opposition remains silent", says

Fehmi Agani, vice-chairman of the Democratic Alliance of Kosovo (DSK). Agani, who isn't involved in the latest inter-Albanian disputes, maintains that the current process in Serbia is of vital importance for the fall of the Milosevic regime. He warns his compatriots that they "must be prepared for that day", which will come - as he put it - in no longer than a year's time.

Demaqi's takeover of the chief opposition party in Kosovo, the Parliamentary party of Kosovo, indicates that things are about to change on the Albanian political scene. Demaqi could rally a number of small political parties and strong individuals. However, the crucial battle is being fought inside the DSK, where Demaqi is believed to have a strong influence on one of the factions, controlling the majority of the votes in the party's main bodies.

Some even mentioned the possibility of a final rift in the party and an eventual division of the DSK into two, a thing which has already happened in Macedonia. After the initial attack on Rugova and the DSK, Demaqi no longer seems to be in a hurry for a radical outcome. He will apparently wait for the outcome of the crisis in Serbia before he decides whether to try to topple Rugova or form a coalition with him. Rugova faces the same dilemma and has equally limited options.