Milosevic is an Obsolete Politician

Many moves which the Montenegrin top government officials have made in the last couple of years - from privatization to an off shore state - are giving rise to suspicions in the other republic, while some see seeds of secession in it. In the variety of statements of the Montenegrin leaders with regards to the "Serbian rebellion", many have recognized conflict. We asked the Prime Minister of the Montenegrin government Milo Djukanovic how much truth there is in it. Prime Minister Djukanovic talks to VREME about Slobodan Milosevic's possible candidacy for president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), changes in the Constitution...

VREME: The new government program has been labeled as a program of reintegration into the international community, yet at the very start of its realization, instead of the announced lifting of the outer wall of the sanctions, due to well known reasons in Serbia, the international community has threatened us with new isolation. Has any of that jeopardized your program?

DJUKANOVIC: The strategic elements of the global state policy of our Republic are: dynamic economic reforms by way of privatization and the implementation of the Montenegrin program - a free economic zone, the democratic development of Montenegro as a civic state with a high level of inter-ethnic and inter-religious tolerance and, third, which also stands as a pre-condition for the realization of the first two commitments - a speedy and complete reintegration into the international community. I expected that, following the peace agreement in Dayton and especially after the sanctions had been lifted, the authorized federal bodies would promptly start drawing up a platform necessary for the upcoming return of FRY's membership status into the UN, OSCE, IMF, World Trade Organization and World Bank. Even though there were certain initial delays, it needs to be stated that, for a certain period of time, the federal government had diligently and with expertise turned to the business at hand of completing the necessary documents for the realization of this top priority political and economic goal. Still, today it is more than evident that those activities have not brought about the expected results. Beside former political reasons of the international community's misgivings towards FRY, as personified in the so-called outer wall of the sanctions, in the meantime new arguments against us were "created" and offered to the world needlessly, haughtily and in a politically naive manner. Naturally, it is clear that I have in mind the unexplainable stupidity connected to the delayed recognition of something which clearly had to be recognized on November 17, meaning the opposition victory in a few local municipalities in Serbia, which the citizens of Serbia had granted them of their own free will. Today FRY, unfortunately, three months later, is not in the position it was on November 17 but, as I fear, below that line, keeping in mind that the election games in Belgrade have offered elements for suspicion of the true democratic orientation of our government.

What effect has all this had on the process of privatization?

That undoubtedly leaves consequences in the privatization process . You know that Montenegro is probably the only country in the world which is implementing privatization without any foreign financial aid. Yet still, there was sufficient enthusiasm here so that in the midst of the sanctions all preparations were completed for the process of privatization following our reappearance on the world scene. Certain companies have been privatized, some have - which is a special quality - been turned over to the management of the foreign owners. However, it is a lot slower than it needs to be. Why? It is clear that there isn't enough capital on the local scene. Domestic capital has been overspent during the difficult times of the sanctions, a large part has "leaked" to safer foreign destinations, and a huge re-allocation of capital has been carried out. Which is why the supposition is very realistic that the most important privatization impulse in Montenegro and FRY can generate the capital to, devoid of the limiting sanctions of the international community, aspire to emerge into this region.

Is there any room for the question of responsibility of the Montenegrin government for this, i.e., has the Montenegrin government energetically employed pressure upon the government in Serbia to recognize what had to be recognized?

As you know, there are conflicting opinions on that subject, and I would say that, in a certain part of the public, there were unrealistic expectations of the Montenegrin state leadership. Need I remind that: in the exposition of the decision for maintaining the outer wall of the sanctions towards FRY two issues stand as dominant - Kosovo and necessary cooperation with the International Arbitration Tribunal in The Hague. Neither the first nor the second issue fall under Montenegro's jurisdiction. We understand the problems of Kosovo, we respect its specific quality, complexity and, finally, its significance, yet formally it falls under the jurisdiction of the government of Serbia. All relevant international factors have stressed on a number of occasions that Kosovo is an integral part of Serbia by which, as I understand it, they have not only discouraged Albanian secessionists, but have also sent a clear signal to the leadership in Serbia to treat the Kosovo issue in a more active manner. I believe that we have fairly successfully solved the problem in Montenegro of not only Albanian equality but also of all other ethnic groups which live within its boundaries.

In relation to the local elections in Serbia, as I have already stated practically from the very first day, the most responsible people from Montenegro had announced their stand very precisely and have consistently maintained it. We said that the democratically proven will of the citizens of Serbia must be unconditionally respected and that it stood as the letter "A" in the alphabet of democracy which, obviously, in these regions we are learning too late and in the hard way. After all of this, I must say that an absolutely unrealistic expectation exists that the leadership of Montenegro could do more to solve the present problems in Serbia.

Your stand was presented to the public as the most radical one in relation to the stands of President Bulatovic. In that sense, did any misunderstandings exist in the top Montenegrin government circles?

It is probably very natural that people differ, that each has his own opinion, statements, and general behavior patterns. I have a coordinated a stand with the President of the Republic Bulatovic and Parliament Speaker Svetozar Marovic on the most important, strategic questions which deal with the future of Montenegro. I believe that is more than sufficient for a state government's successful functioning. It would be unnatural if there were no differences amongst us on certain issues we have to deal with. However, one part of the Yugoslav and international public have overstressed that difference and are insinuating some alleged deeper conflict. That is absolutely not true. Mr. Bulatovic has a rather difficult task to present the stands of Montenegrin state leadership, in his communications with Serbia, as a favorable option for the development of Yugoslavia in its entirety. Logically, that task, if we approach it seriously, implicitly includes tolerance, an openness towards dialogues, tenacity and inclination for compromises. That is the only way to attain the desired goal in politics. It is easy to quarrel, demonstratively withdraw from negotiations, break off uncompleted conversations and additionally lose valuable time in a communication breakdown. Which is why I believe that certain people are prepared to give incredibly trivial interpretations of the role which President Bulatovic has in the strategy of our political relations with the other federal unit.

Will lex specialis, or more specifically its implementation, solve the crisis in Serbia?

I am no longer certain that lex specialis shall prove to be a sufficient answer to the overgrown problems that have developed in the meantime, highly elevated tensions and broadened demands in Serbia.

What steps should Montenegro take in case the above mentioned occurrences in Serbia continue? To maintain the blockade which we have been speaking of until further notice?

It would be highly detrimental in case political conflicts in Serbia were to continue, because that would imply a continued blockade in our communication with the international community. The concept of the economic policies of Montenegro for 1997 has shown that our two commitments - which, naturally, start off with the macro-economic preposition of the federal government - can turn out to be a well designed and unrealistic story, in case the basic supposition isn't realized - to reactivate our membership in the international financial and trade organizations. Which is why the continuation of political tensions in Serbia would reflect very negatively on the economic and social circumstances in FRY and would threaten with a serious economic paralysis, encompassing larger social fluctuations. I believe that in Serbia primarily those most responsible for that, meaning the state leadership of Serbia, must find a formula of the utmost quality for urgently sanctioning the global political problems in Serbia.

Finally, we have lately been witnesses to occurrences that show that heightened economic problems can be felt in Montenegro as well. Until recently, maybe even until this day, we had been stressing with pride that in Montenegro salaries of state employees, along with those employed in education, health institutions, culture, etc. are paid regularly, that pensions are regularly coordinated and paid, that the production level was rising more than in Serbia. However, to those who know anything about economy, it is clear that we function in keeping with the law of the joint courts and that the consequences of bad management on the economic plan in Serbia shall, with a slight delay, reflect upon Montenegro as well. We have been postponing this for a year in one way or another, but as I have already stated, in the last few days the economic and social problems in Montenegro are escalating and, in case our economic relations with the world are not urgently reestablished, I believe that many serious economic and social trials await FRY and Montenegro in 1997.

Some members of the media in Belgrade, as well as top officials, have fiercely reacted to the announcements that Montenegro might take certain independent steps, claiming that it 's nonsense, but also estimating that no one has the right to tamper with FRY's fate?

I believe such reactions are nonsensical. Is Montenegro the one which is tampering with FRY? No, I claim with full responsibility that Montenegro has undertaken all that it could since the very beginning, surpassing its realistic possibilities, to preserve FRY. First of all, we opted for a joint state as was certified by the citizens will. And during its existence, with infinite tolerance and understanding for the mistakes which had intentionally or not damaged FRY, were giving the chance for political consciousness to mature on the only possible formula of the community's functioning and development. It isn't likely that we drove federal police forces out into the streets, that we had entered into various personnel roller-coaster rides with Cosic, Panic, Avramovic and the like. And while we have been suspected in various Montenegrin and Serbian circles of alleged subversive activities towards the Yugoslav federation, we had persistently and publicly repeated what is clear even to a political layman: a two-member federation can survive only in case of complete equality among its members and can be a part of the more developed world only if it cleverly designs and capably manages its economic and political reforms. Even today, I unreservedly think along the same lines. Yugoslavia is possible and desirable if in its political structure we come upon people in all key positions who have entirely adopted these two postulates.

A lot of speculation exists on the personnel solutions for the key positions in FRY. What is your relation towards the eventual candidacy of Slobodan Milosevic as president of FRY?

Mixed. I am convinced that it would be utterly politically wrong for Slobodan Milosevic to remain in any position in the political life of Yugoslavia for Yugoslav policies or for himself personally. Today, Mr. Milosevic is a man with obsolete political beliefs, who lacks the capabilities of strategically meeting challenges which await our state in the future, on top of that, surrounded by the wrong people who, according to the already seen formula of autocratic regimes, are keeping him in the dark on the realistic dimensions of the problems in Serbia and Yugoslavia in the name of preserving their minor privileges. Which is why, for me at least, it is clear without a single doubt that the policies that he personifies is not a policy for the future of the Serbian people, Serbia and Yugoslavia. The most difficult aspect is that Slobodan Milosevic, in the numerous and major mistakes he has made so far, has left the indisputable impression that he lacks the capabilities to view the future in a long-term and serious manner and to choose the right path. Instead of that, he has stubbornly projected himself as an unquestionably skillful tactician who moves about in chaotic surroundings which he himself creates with relative success. Successful tactics stand as a quality, but only if new sections are conquered on the highway which leads to strategically placed goals. On the contrary, tactics turn into a boring viscious circle and a needless loss of time.

Officially, respecting my democratic beliefs and constitutional regulations, I shall, naturally, respect the inviolable rights of the citizens of Serbia to choose their own leaders. Whomever they choose for the top positions in Serbia or for their representatives in the federation shall have, as in the past, official expressions of my respect.

In the sense of Slobodan Milosevic's preparations for the position of president of FRY, we have been informed by various sources that steps are being taken toward changing the federal Constitution in the sense of expanding the president's authority. How do you look upon such stories and is that possible?

It must seem clear to you that such theses do not coincide with my previously given assessments. According to those beliefs, the new president should be given new constitutional authority. And so, supposedly, from mandate to mandate we will have an appropriate constitution for each president. That would no longer stand even in folklore groups, even they don't adapt their acts to their presidents, let alone governments! I believe that the Constitution of FRY is good. Unfortunately, the federal government has still not taken over a part of its authorization as attained by this act, yet that can be accomplished either by a more authoritative stand of the government itself or by a more constructive role of the republics. Beside this being my personal opinion, I do not believe that in Montenegro nor in its political substance even a minimal amount of understanding exists for constitutional changes of this type.

President Milosevic has also stated that there have been and there shall be disputes with Montenegro. What misunderstanding was he referring to?

I don't know when he said that and what he had in mind. I believe that today clear differences exist in the policies of the two republics and that they should be conquered in the interest of FRY. Naturally, solutions cannot be simple compromises according to the principle: let's meet in the middle or you should give way here, and we'll give way there, since we are not alone in the world. The solution to the dilemma which we have when comparing the two systems could be sought by looking over other people's fences. Today it doesn't really matter whose. Some solutions have become generally acceptable and civilized.

Therefore, the constitutional confusion needs to be overcome first. The Constitutions of Serbia and Montenegro are in dispute. That doesn't seem to bother anyone. The governmental organizations in the two republics are essentially very different. While a distribution of power is clearly functioning in Montenegro, with indisputable autonomy of the legislative, judicial and executive power, all of that is relative and hierarchically subordinated to the power of a single person in Serbia. Also, I believe differences have to be overcome and a consensus should be reinstated over our state's strategical political constants. I have already stated in my answer to your first question how we had defined them in Montenegro. In order to enable them to be realized on the FRY level, all relevant political powers in our country need to unite themselves over them and political activities of all bodies and individuals in FRY and the republics need to be subordinated to it. Those values, as you must admit, are no special Montenegrin creation, but have been affirmed in the whole world and, whether we like it or not, shall be affirmed here as well with us or with other people. The sooner, the better.

Why didn't the Montenegrin government raise the issue of coordinating the Constitution of Serbia with the FRY Constitution?

As you know, the Montenegrin Constitution in its entirety is coordinated with the Yugoslav Constitution. We deemed that the other federal unit has equal responsibilities towards FRY and its Constitution. Also, it falls under the jurisdiction of the FRY Constitutional Court, which needs to synchronize the constitutional solutions on the state level.

The Federal Constitutional Court has on a few occasions annulled certain Montenegrin laws, and is now dealing with the law on the Montenegrin off shore center project...

The Constitutional Court is an institution I greatly esteem and which has to be the highest arbitrator of a legal state. Yet, taking into account that the constitution itself is a political act, I believe that the Constitutional Court needs to pulsate along with the political situation in which FRY has found itself today. And that situation is, nicely put, transitional with relicts of the former and incomplete elements of a new system.

The initiatives for reviewing this or that legal act often have a clear political connotation and hide a desire to finally "prove" the hidden secessionism of Montenegro. In short: the off shore project is a prosperous development project which shall, if we are smart enough, bring indubitable financial benefits to Montenegro and FRY. I even think that it is the quickest road to bridge the gap over our decline in the last couple of years.

How shall the federal state function taking into account that objectively two economic systems exist within it?

That could be true of the two economic systems, but only as a short-term illusion. It is plainly evident today that only a market economy system, that is dominated by private ownership can be efficient. Some can remain blind to that if it makes them feel better. I have the impression that certain political structures in FRY - declared to be exclusively of leftist orientation, and which have on top of that acquired a huge though outer-institutional power - by turning a blind eye and writing entries into their diaries are urging all 11 million of us to close our eyes and to "remain" in the "limbo" of the last 50 years when we were living well, didn't work too much and were spending money of today's and future generations. If only there was anyone left who would continue to provide credits. Maybe then even we who are present at the time would selfishly accept that, leaving our children to pay off our interests. Unfortunately, that is a vast delusion and generates a huge loss of time. There is no other alternative for both Serbia and Montenegro than the road toward privatization and economic reforms. In Montenegro we are trying to travel down that road in an organized way, passing laws and setting procedures which should guide us. In Serbia, in case the inevitability of that isn't recognized, privatization shall occur spontaneously, bypassing the political will and certain legal solutions. We shall shortly probably see how obsolete the beliefs of certain actors on the political scene are, yet unfortunately that shall prove to be small satisfaction for all our citizens over the loss of time which has occurred in the meantime and which was the reason why we hadn't realized all that we could have on the political and economic plan.

What is your opinion of the student protest of the coalition Zajedno and the overall protests which have been going on in the last few months on the streets of the cities throughout Serbia?

The justifiability of the protest, be it this or any other one, is judged on the basis of the validity of the reasons which had incited it. I have already said, realistic reasons existed for the protests, which makes the protests justified as well. Could it have later, by excessive behavior on the streets, turned into something else? Possibly, but what should be most important for any government is to remove the causes of the protest as soon as possible so that all undesirable manifestations would also cease. I clearly divide two movements in the protest itself. The first is the student movement which has had my sympathies from day one. I feel that this time the students have expressed their protest without a single politically incorrect move. They didn't fall in with a single political party, they were fighting for higher democratic goals and economic prosperity in the society and that has to be respected. Who could we have expected that of in society other than that very structure. That belongs to them, and it cannot be disputed that they have reasons to demand a higher quality of life both economically and politically, i.e. democratically.

The coalition Zajedno has entered into the protest in order to fight for their withheld delegates' mandates. I deemed that as both positive and just. Election results must be sacred. Later, that turned into their battle with Mr. Milosevic's regime for a complete government takeover in Serbia. None of us from Montenegro took part in that in any way. In the battle for power in Serbia, we did not support anyone, neither personally, nor as a political party. Serbia shall know how to deal with that itself. I honestly believe that - in an intelligent manner and in keeping with their own interest.