Of Schools and Serbs

It is becoming clear that a man, once known as the president of Serbia, has decided to draw on all available means and all available people, once at his disposal, in order to salvage what once was authority, but now remains a mere mandate. Such a decision was only to be expected from a devout opponent of political euthanasia, who for ten years now busies himself with the reanimation of dead ideas, the support of defunct projects, and the waging of long lost battles. He has simply never been capable of recognizing defeat. Such inability in politics leads to yet greater and greater defeats. What is in question here is something like the gravitational principle of history; and one thing is certain, history will come out on top. For ten years, this man, who likes to consider himself the president of Serbia, has been putting off imminent personal defeat confronting him in the guise of democratization. The imminence of that defeat is ever greater, hurried forth by all Serbian and non-Serbian tragedies, casualties and catastrophes. Not daring to open the front door, Milosevic worriedly consults his wife, and than, feigning good humor, proclaims: "It only seems fit to begin at the beginning. Call in Momcilo Krajisnik."

Consequently, amid this uproar and chaos, the man who was declared arch traitor by all nationalists, tyrant and thief by all citizens, leftist by all radicals, instigator of wars by the whole world, and all around fake by all of the above—that same man is for one more time calling on all interested parties to participate in the beginning of another idiotic charade. Having allowed Belgrade University to write off a whole academic year, and as the entire educational system has come to a halt by striking, unpaid teachers, he now tell us: "Enough of education, we must devote more time to our national obligations."

Eighteen months following Dayton, Milosevic suddenly remembered how apt it would be to rebuild relations with Republika Srpska. How close this is to his heart is evidenced by his previous drawing at all available straws: stealing ballots and canceling elections, holding meetings amid overwhelming popular opposition, cordoning off and terrorizing the citizens, and in the end even accepting the results of 17 November, as if that could help. Montenegro, meanwhile, went on its way as his aborted attempts at setting Djukanovic against Bulatovic came to naught. He only managed to lure the man from Krajina, who naturally does not believe a word that is said to him, but is willing to play along out of personal interest.

Nobody in their right mind can take Milosevic seriously as a great Serb. His real problem is that few are able to take him seriously, period, which is a sickness for which a cure remains to be found. The move with the man from Krajina only brought incidental warnings from the U.S.A. that such games are highly unwelcome, which is of little consequence to a man who has irretrievably lost the "stability factor". The world will not help him, but it can yet do him great harm, which is why Milosevic never fails to declare his support of Dayton, hoping that Serbs will understand that he is merely indulging in gamesmanship.

Serbs have only just realized that gamesmanship permeates every fiber of their president, regardless of what he is doing or who he is talking to, and for this reason do not believe that it would have been of any use had he in the beginning, under the influence of the lofty brow of the man from Krajina, accepted unification with Republika Srpska. Montenegro would have immediately declared independence, Serbia would have at once received some kind of sanction, and the students would not have ceased to seek the resignation of the Rector. Of course, it is understandable that a man in his position is grasping at straws; but he, for his part, should not find it unbelievable that a people in our position is no longer willing to believe a word he says.

Perhaps Milosevic is attempting to silence criticisms within his own ranks with his latest maneuvers with the man from Krajina, or to pave the way for greater cooperation with Seselj, or maybe even to sway some members of the opposition. But that, certainly, is far from enough. It is becoming clear that his strategy for survival draws on other leftover straws. The media must remain beyond openness for as long as possible, while Minister Radmila Milentijevic will continue to smile ingratiatingly, explaining to everyone that in fact openness is considerable, or rather, it is about to become even more considerable. The whole world will become convinced of that, especially those with enough patience, who, should they wish hard enough for this official illusion, will have to listen to and believe her every word.

Beside this, it is clear that the regime has no desire to open any dialogue with the opposition regarding any subject. That he was forced to acknowledge the results of the local elections did not bring Milosevic to his senses; on the contrary, it only infuriated him. The occupancy by the opposition of several municipal offices in Serbian cities is not seen by him as an opportunity for cooperation toward ultimate democratization, but rather as an opportunity to destroy the opposition and the very cities where it holds power, should that prove necessary. This is the only interpretation one can draw from the joint declaration by SPS and JUL regarding "the protection of citizens against factions financed and controlled from abroad with a view to subverting the constitutional system and the independence of the state."

It is not clear from this what exactly SPS and JUL wish to achieve by the protection of citizens, especially of those citizens who voted for those suspect factions. It seems to me, however, that the handwriting of Ms. Mira Markovic, who feels personally vulnerable despite the overwhelming, protective presence of the police, is readily recognizable here. Her right to filch the ballots of the sycophants and traitors financed from abroad is firmly founded in historical and moral rectitude, and can hardly be compared to the rights of those who through brouhaha and whistling take it upon themselves to disturb the peace of a lady with a delicate disposition.

However, the opposition should not take this declaration lightly, regardless of how personal its attributes. That is, Ms. Markovic has clearly demonstrated a capacity for making a personal problem a public one. In this instance, the implications of this, as was announced, are that all individuals who blew whistles—with the exception, one assumes, of soccer referees—stand to loose their jobs en masse. That the extent of the observed phenomenon is beyond control should not be taken as sufficient protection against selective punishment of the most adamant. Certainly, the possibility of pardon for those who should choose to swallow their whistles in front of the firing committee continues to be under consideration.

Such a denouncement is not highly likely, but, it seems to me, the opposition will hardly be allowed to go about its daily duties at the municipal level, and should brace itself for all possible types of extra institutional belly flopping against the accomplished restoration. I fear that Djindjic will not occupy the office of mayor for long, and will need to join the crowds, and not just on March 9.

Finally, the problems with Rector Velickovic reflect the attempts of the conjugal couple to remedy the bad impression they left in that unfortunate moment of weakness when they were forced to return things not belonging to them. They know how dangerous such a precedent can be, and that there are whole hordes of people who, when they see such generous giving back of stolen property, will show up at the front door asking for their own stolen or lost money, houses, estates, relatives, friends, limbs... As a consequence, that weasel of a Rector can not accept the thought or resigning, choosing instead to threaten and seek out the Deans of Faculties who stood up against him. To him is accorded the impossible task of weathering the storm and, with his example, of personally saving the skins of Milosevic and his better half.

Consequently, it should be made clear that, should Belgrade University lose an entire academic year, it wont be because of the Rector of the University, but ultimately because of the loving, conjugal couple. The students are clearly aware of this, which is why they refuse to desist. The deans and professors, having made the critical step of voting for the resignation and replacement of the Rector of the University of Belgrade, are exposed to greater pressures, in particular the threats of firing. This also is a precedent which could easily become a road sign for many other transients in this country, who, in the name of legitimacy, will have to circumvent the legality of a hopelessly abject regime.

Were the students to desist now, that regime would gain an opportunity to temporarily consolidate itself, which would inevitably result in an inspired and systematic appearance of force against the citizen. The rebel deans and professors would systematically be replaced and blighted, one by one, and the atmosphere of defeat would slowly take hold of our entire, bafflingly awakened society. In such a scenario, not even the opposition could rely on what it so far gained, nor would it be assured victory in the upcoming republican elections. If a winning attitude is not sustained right up to those elections, and if the desire for change, freedom and ultimately for life is snuffed out, an otherwise defunct regime could find a way of resuscitating itself. Some kind of compromise—something in between—which appears likely, would offer hope to all concerned. As for peace, it still remains hopelessly out of reach.