Internal Party Combustion

Until recently the closest friends and associates, the Montenegrin President Momir Bulatovic and Prime Minister Djukanovic, are now only communicating via written memos. Following the session of DPS's executive board, Bulatovic, who had assessed that Djukanovic had not met the demands of the main board, sent an ultimatum and a three-day-long deadline to replace Slavko Drljevic, the deputy prime minister, Goran Rakocevic, minister of culture and Vukasin Maras, head of state security. The deadline which the president gave Djukanovic expires at the moment when this issue of VREME goes to press however we have found out from reliable sources that Djukanovic's answer shall be - no.

The executive board and Bulatovic, obviously, were not satisfied with Djukanovic's conciliatory announcement at the government session and with the replacement of Ratko Knezevic from the position of Montenegro's trade mission chief in Washington. It is difficult to ascertain how long the closed session of the executive board had lasted, however what is known is that the members of the executive board had remained in the Montenegrin government building, where DPS headquarters are also located, for a long time.

Following that session, the Serbian state media speculated that even the Montenegrin Parliament Speaker Svetozar Marovic had shifted over to Bulatovic's camp, since he was present at the executive board session, even though he had submitted his resignation as DPS's vice president. It was also published that he had contritely placed himself at the disposal of his party. However, our sources claim the opposite. As they say, Marovic had taken upon himself the obligation to soothe all passions, even warning that the conflict could break up DPS, and that many had moved on to waters which were way too deep. The government in Serbia is obviously estimating that Djukanovic is a hard nut to crack as long as he has Marovic by his side and have, as we were told by well-informed circles, launched a "battle for the parliament speaker".

At around the same time when the conflict broke out at the session of the main board, Marovic started to move out of the vice-presidential cabinet at the party headquarters into the parliament speaker's one at the parliament. Is it a mere coincidence or proof that Marovic had truly abandoned his vice-presidential position?

Otherwise, the decision of the main board could not have been changed at the session of the executive board. Beside President Momir Bulatovic, the members of the executive board are, according to their positions in the party ranks, DPS's vice-presidents Svetozar Marovic, Milo Djukanovic and Milica Pejanovic-Djurisic, followed by the presidents of the MP clubs at the federal and republican parliament Zarko Sturanovic and Predrag Bulatovic, president of the chamber of the republics of the federal republic Srdjan Bozovic, deputy parliament speaker Zoran Zizic, minister of education Dragan Kujovic, the director of Pobjeda daily Dragan Djurovic followed by Milan Gajovic, Milutin Ojdanic, Radivoje Bozovic, Radivoje Nikcevic, Rade Nisavic, Franjo Dedukaj, Savo Paraca and Zeljko Rutovic.

At the first session of the executive board, prior to the session of the main board, the relation of power was equal. The topic at the last session was whether Djukanovic had honored the demands of the main board and what steps were to be taken. Marovic and a few other members asked that the debate move into calmer waters however, as our sources claim, the executive board could not change the decisions of the main board. At this moment it is difficult to estimate whether, in case Djukanovic does not meet those demands, the main board shall convene again, yet we found out that some members of that body regretted having cast a vote against the prime minister.

According to DPS's statute, the authority of the main board is not defined regarding the government and parliament between two conventions, unless the following provisions supply such information: "The main board is the highest body of political management and realization of party policies; it ascertains the directions and goals of general party activities between two conventions, monitors its implementation and is answerable to the convention; it looks into the implementation of the party's electoral program at least once a year..."

On the other hand, the government program has been adopted recently in parliament and at that time Prime Minister Djukanovic spoke of all the issues which are now being satinized in the highest party bodies, while not a single DPS MP objected. Can the cause for it be an article from the statute which reads as follows: "The main board decides upon the party's entrance into permanent or occasional political coalitions at election time or in the course of parliament work", since it is well-known what Djukanovic had said about the head of the coalition partner in the federal parliament.

Judging by all accounts, the parliament shall not discuss the government's nor Djukanovic's operations, in case Marovic adheres to the rule book, for at least another 15 days. If that was to happen at one point or another, it is debatable which side would benefit by confrontation on an open scene. Marovic warns that it can only cause harm, even Montenegro's destabilization.

Reporters from the pro-Milosevic media are working overtime and are further stimulated by their loss of privileges which they had reveled in until recently in this republic. At the head of that list, naturally, are those who until recently had cars of the Montenegrin state security at their disposal, and which they were deprived of by the current head of that institution Vukasin Mares.

Media intrigues were also directed towards Danilo Vuksanovic, the director of the Aluminium Complex in Podgorica, who was known to be a supporter of Slobodan Milosevic's policies. However, Vuksanovic surprised many when he stood by Djukanovic at the session of the main board, refusing to vote, since he stands for Yugoslavia and DPS policies, yet is against a reconstruction of the government. Forced to vote, he found himself amongst the abstainers. On Tuesday, April 2 when it was announced that he was allegedly arrested with a large sum of foreign currency, he was explaining to the workers why their salaries were late. The salaries were late, he said, because the funds from the London bank, due to Easter holidays, could not be transferred in due time to the National Bank of Yugoslavia. His arrest and all further investigation were denied by the minister of police Filip Vujanovic, while director Vuksanovic announced that he shall force the Belgrade Blic daily to reimburse him in court with 100.000 dinars per each alleged million marks in his strong box.

At the Radoje Dakic company, the headquarters of the anti-bureaucratic revolution in Montenegro, the workers opted for a strike. Their complaint is that they have been robbed by the government's privatization program, adding that it has nothing to do with current political events, and are asking that all those who had anything to do with the present state in the plant answer for it... The fact that the strike committee's members include a few of the verified anti-bureaucratic revolutionaries, along with two bearing the Bulatovic surname, speaks enough for itself. In the meantime only citizens protested, rallied at the call of the phantom Democratic Movement of Montenegro. That rally and the graffiti which have appeared from Pljevlja to Ulcinj affirm that Djukanovic can count on outer-institutional support of - until a short while ago - fierce political rivals.

Since the main actors of this story are not giving out any statements, it is more than normal that the grapevine, as well as the media, are multiplying heart attacks, strokes and suicides... Therefore, Svetozar Marovic has toppled over a number of times, many are preparing to flee the country, and the news which caused the highest animation was that Momir Bulatovic had internal bleeding which was stopped by a doctor from Belgrade. It was reported that Bulatovic was urgently transferred to the VMA hospital in Belgrade. VREME has found out that Bulatovic really did have certain medical complaints due to his ulcer and on Wednesday, April 3 arrived in Belgrade for a short visit on account of it. If an outcome does not ensue shortly, be it at the parliament or at the party forums, the number of afflicted could rise.