Lack of Loyalty

Does anyone recall certain whistles, eggs and strolls? Did that occur here or somewhere else? Did we not dream that merry racket, those strolls and standing in the rain, snow, wind, frost; that persistent obstinacy and hope, those cordons, batons, beatings and that victory which one man paid for with his life, and many others with their ribs and shins? What became of it?

Following the daily massive uproar at 7:30 p.m. the television has continued to lie, as calmly and ruthlessly as ever before. The very same invisible man is sitting in his presidential cabinet pulling strings which have seriously thinned out, yet still aren't snapping, since the marionettes which are suspended from them, whose hands are moved and whose mouths are opened by them, have no weight. Even if something was to become stuck or was to grind to a halt as in Montenegro, the television and the police are activated, the very same blind powers which the citizens of Belgrade and Serbia, in the course of those three months, had seen up close and in their entirety, had uncovered and temporarily made dysfunctional.

They are once again in running order and are in the process of breaking Milo Djukanovic, are weeding out reform and western ideas and are hindering Montenegro. Naturally, Milosevic wishes to punish the disobedient Montenegrin prime minister and to hear applause instead of whistles in advance at the moment when he steps into Lilic's shoes. However, he also wishes to demonstrate to Serbia and all other interested parties his invisible power and to induce us to forget that invisible incapacity.

He has concluded that the secret of power lays hidden in the invisible which is why we know so little about the operation of ousting Djukanovic. Behind- the-scene intrigues and conspiracy always somewhat impress people, as unexplainable and unknown natural powers do. Such a style of ruling, when it is never known how and why important events occur, with television leading us on an obviously false trail, induces the citizens to look upon the government with the awe of a native.

Milosevic had drawn certain messages from the three-months long protest which obviously do not signify changes and opening up but rather patching up the cracks and perfecting his closed system. Judging by all accounts he has even managed to explain the advantages of invisibility to his wife and to deter her from public appearances, excessive talking, explaining and uncovering intentions. She has given up such a luxury which had presented a weakness so that in this case the victory of the whistle was only an illusion. Namely, we are now faced with the danger of forgetting who those people are and what they have envisioned in their heads.

In its entirety, what we have before us is the same strategy of repression and forgetfulness which has been implemented a number of times following Milosevic's aborted adventures. This time we should forget Mira Markovic, the election fraud, whistles, walks, Gonzales's commission and Lex Specialis. That is no longer important, just as the war, defeat and refugees are no longer important. Milosevic is changing the subject and would now like to talk of the agreement with the Serbian Republic, Montenegro and, naturally, of the media and minister Milentijevic's law.

Because of the world and the money he is hoping to get, Milosevic needs to talk of the media, however it is even more important to him that nothing changes there. He wishes to announce the commencement of a dialogue, believing that he is meeting the demands of Gonzales's commission that way, only so that it could turn out that such talks are impossible, never ending or horribly tangled up, since the issue of truth and lies is philosophically unresolved, since all is relative and since media everywhere depend on certain powers and beside that, there's always Seselj who is capable of turning anything into chaotic bickering.

However, after the protest was concluded, the opposition was in a position to set the rules for the first time. The coalition Zajedno acquired and presented its true power and without their participation it would no longer be possible to talk of regular political life in Serbia. Beside holding power in the cities, that power is most evident now in their refusal to answer minister Milentijevic's call which makes her panel illegitimate and senseless. No invented nor satellite parties can now make up for the absence of the coalition Zajedno. Neither the law on media, nor the elections can be adopted and implemented without the participation and against the will of Draskovic, Djindjic and Vesna Pesic with the convincing will and energy of the Serbian citizens backing them.

However the conflicts in the coalition can no longer be hidden and silenced. While the shaken up Milosevic is consolidating himself as best he can, the winning side is starting to disintegrate at the horror and despair of hundreds of thousands of people to whom the leaders of the coalition owe their unexpected and barely deserved chance to transform themselves into heads of state. Vesna Pesic is the only one who is holding up in a responsible and loyal way and has not betrayed the coalition idea. Draskovic and the Serbian Renewal Movement have been tripping up Djindjic ever since he became mayor of Belgrade, discretely hinting that they will replace him and that with Seselj's help. Djindjic is vaguely distancing himself from Vuk Draskovic's candidacy for president of Serbia, even though he is obliged to support him, whatever he believes his chances to be. Finally, Danica Draskovic, who has been opposing the coalition for a long time, is lashing out against Djindjic on Radio B 92 with a fury she had previously exclusively kept for Milosevic and his wife.

This incident could have been somehow resolved if it wasn't clear that it signified a deeper and lasting conflict and disbelief in the future of the coalition. It seems as though Draskovic, whose opposition merits remain unquestionable, has concluded that Djindjic had fared somewhat better and had grown more during the protest and is worried that even as mayor he could score certain successful points. In any case, Draskovic and SPO are insisting more and more upon topics such as the monarchy over which no consensus has been reached in the coalition. That is, naturally, also bad for Draskovic as a presidential candidate who could otherwise count upon the republican votes which strangely doesn't seem to worry him.

Prior to their visit to the US where the leaders of the coalition Zajedno shall sit at the most important international exam of maturity, their alliance seems looser than ever. They shall not have to do much to prove that Milosevic is an unpredictable, unstable and dangerous partner with tyrannical reflexes, but what if they inquire of their mutual relations and if they fail to be satisfied with diplomatic phrases?

At this moment, the coalition mostly rests upon public pressure and upon a fear shared by all to take over the responsibility for its collapse. However, their visit to America might help them to understand the magnitude of the game they have found themselves in. The American secretary of state would never find a single free moment for any of them individually. If Draskovic did not exist, Djindjic could only stroll outside the State Department and vice versa, and it would be best for both of them to look towards Vesna Pesic for an example.

It is definitely logical that a coalition such as this one has easily survived the period of battle and temptation, and is shaken up by its initial success and expectations of a grand victory. While there was nothing to share no one even inquired what belonged to whom and how much each of them was entitled to. And when things reach the point of a "distribution of treasure" even brothers occasionally kill each other, and in this Serbia is not without tradition. The fair formula which would be acceptable to all is the severely guarded secret of great wisdom, which is uncovered only by the best characters devoid of vanity, spite, selfishness, envy and other similar human weaknesses.

Draskovic, Djindjic and those surrounding them are definitely full of mutual doubts, accusations and counter-accusations. I am afraid that we shall hear a lot from their public statements and that only a miracle will somehow keep them together until the elections. If no miracle occurs, Milosevic's half dead regime shall acquire a technical chance to survive and continue to harass us. People shall divide amongst themselves and shall lay the larger part of the blame on one or the other side, yet all together shall be bitter and distressed. Djindjic shall, possibly, become more agile and cunning and Draskovic more aggressive, especially if Danica has her way. No one should think that these people have an easy time and that they are not aware what they are gambling with and what they are losing, however they should also know that they are expected to exhibit the largest feat of restraint, self-denial and generosity.