A Little Change to Stay the Same

The Minister for Information in the Serbian Government, Milivoje Pavlovic, announced new appointments in Television Serbia as a measure to reduce the tension aroused by the television. When the list of new appointments was published, what came to light was the intention of the government to keep its hands on the media, and its frantic attempt to retain its war-mongering tone. Reactions indicate the start of civil revolt in defence of professional dignity.

The editorial staff of the II Programme proved their self-respect when, because of these new appointments, they went on strike last Saturday.

It looks as though Radio Belgrade II Programme journalists believed in the beginning that they could talk to Vucelic, who was appointed as Director of Radio TV Serbia. This desire to come to terms with him was most obviously shown by Jovan Arezina, the former editor-in-chief, at press conferences and public appearances, who incidentally said he was not in political agreement with some of his colleagues (but who fought for professional dignity in any case) and that the measure of patriotism in Radio Belgrade would explode from the amount of patriotism there is.

At the TANJUG information that Ljiljana Bulatovic (one of the likeliest candidates for the post of editor-in-chief of the II Programme) had offered her resignation, the editorial staff of the Second Programme expressed their willingness to accept a reduced programme. Repression began. The passes of all Radio Belgrade journalists and associates ceased to be valid and special daily lists were introduced for entrance to the second floor of Radio Belgrade, on which the names of suspended journalists and those who hadn't signed a declaration of loyalty to prevent them from being fired from work, were missing. Patriotic blackmail was used, of course: "at this time, in the light of what's happening in Bosnia". The same method is being used in the endeavor to neutralize the announced general strike in Radio-Television Belgrade, even though it had no picture as to what was happening in Sarajevo in spite of having a man and camera there.

At the Writers' Club Slobodan Selenic asked who had been patriotic - Studio B who reported on the happenings in Sarajevo from hour to hour, or the television, which had nothing. The whole revolt boils down to the demand of the journalist that they give precise information instead of taking part in a special counterproductive war.

One of TV Belgrade's reporters, Veljko Samolov, at the workers' council of RTV Belgrade in Dom Omladine (Youth Center) used one detail to illustrate the character of the "patriotic conception" that is guilty of keeping the public in Serbia tragically uninformed. TV Belgrade "couldn't" announce the confirmed news that sanctions would be declared against Serbia, cooperation with China was widely covered when Borisav Jovic was there, though the news that the Chinese had sold oil to Croatia was not allowed to pass, so that once again comprehensive coverage of China was reported when Radoman Bozovic went there (someone at this stage called out "to form a government in exile!").

Already by last Sunday it could be seen that discontent was spreading to the First Programme of Radio Belgrade. On Monday the director of the Radio reduced the list of those accredited to attend the council of journalists of the Radio Belgrade First Programme.

The Radio Belgrade Second Programme journalists held a press conference and were given slots on the Independent TV Studio B, Radio B 92, Radio Politika, Radio Smederevo, Novi Pazar, Pancevo, Valjevo, Krusevac, Kragujevac in order to address the public. Many public figures canceled their appearances on programs and sent messages of support of the demands of the journalists. A good part of these many messages of support sent to the addresses of the rebellious journalists were confiscated by the director of the Radio. These journalists say that, without there being any need, two well-built policemen were installed in the antechamber of the director's office. One of the grievances of the journalists is that they have to prepare programs in the presence of policemen who sit in the halls with machine guns. It is said that the director of the Radio even used a gas mask (there being one only) on March 9. Rumours that the opposition would hang the leaders of radio-diffusion institutions were spread before March 9.

Threats of dismissal and removal to other work positions are already in practice. Vucelic allegedly in his first contact with the II Programme journalists said that he would telephone Ljiljana Bulatovic, and after this it was announced that Bulatovic had "offered her resignation because of the impossibility of working professionally". At one interview she said that the Second Programme of Radio Belgrade had gambled away its chance of having her as its editor-in-chief.

Naturally the rebellious journalists sarcastically perceive that this maybe doesn't mean that she was not chosen but that they have been fired. It has been made known that the Radio management has issued an order that "all cases of breaking the law and normative acts of the company must be investigated and action taken against the responsible persons". In this tone were first exhaled the government's announcement and then the announcement of the Management Board. Serbian President Dr Radoman Bozovic was called "the editor-in-chief of Vojvodina" and charged with having ruined the freedom of the press in his term as president of the Vojvodina government. The process by which he qualifies as editor-in-chief of Serbia has now been disclosed.

The opposition has fought in vain for the liberalization of the press from its very beginning. The journalists revolt has come out of the premises of the radio and television and for days has taken place at Terazije, in the center of Kragujevac, Novi Sad and other towns. Persistence has not brought change, in the end the regime sent groups of agents provocateur to break up the meetings and the whole thing has subsided with the illusory promises of the government that it will allow the opposition to take part in the Management Board of Radio Television Serbia.

Demands are being made that all bids for responsible positions in Radio Television Belgrade be canceled, that the government appoint a new management board for Radio TV Serbia due to the fact that in the first instance it has proved itself incompetent, that charges be brought against Dobrosav Bjeletic for illegal and scandalous interruptions of the programme on March 9 1992. Before the final threat and promise of the Management Board that "financial status will be withdrawn" the strike was obviously supported by all employees. A little over two-thirds of those employed are ready to strike. The general strike was announced on April 8 1992 and now "time runs out" for the ten day ultimatum.

It is surprising that the journalists' strike is supported by the Serbian Journalists' Club, which is considered to toe the party line, for the attack on the "liberals", "urban right-wingers", opposers of the eighth assembly, and the opposition. The government is taking a firm stand and calling for a return to work, proclaiming the strike to be "a rude transgression" and demanding the institution of legal measures.

And the management board is announcing taking strict measures against the journalists of Radio Belgrade Second Programme.

The demands of the public have gone further. Radio Belgrade journalists have sent a letter to the European Association of Journalists, the Independent Journalistic Trade Union has announced that it will approach not only international journalistic organizations but the Serbian Government as well. The Democratic Party has demanded that all competitions for editorial positions be repeated.

The Serbian Renewal Movement warns that the political moment does not offer the possibility of off-hand electoral victory, without abuse and despotism, that this type of election deprives RTS of the possibility of creating its constitutional obligation towards professional, objective, truthful and politically impartial provision of information to the citizens of Serbia and concludes that this gives citizens the right to withhold subscription payments. It also says that the day of retribution is nearing, that an avalanche could be set in motion by a triviality and that the consequences could be fearful. Vuk Draskovic sent word that by striking the journalists were transmitting to Serbia the needed programme of hope. The reactions of the Reformists, Liberals and many professional associations are to follow. The Serbian PEN and Writers' Club conclude that the changes in cadre in the Radio and Television represent a new threat and delay in the long awaited democratic transformation of Serbia.

This civil revolt is not without significance, its aims are not of little consequence, it is important to respect the elementary autonomy of the profession and dignity of public figures, but the main strategic demand has not been presented. No-one has asked whether there is any sense in the state owning and controlling all TV and Radio channels. More serious governments are allowed one channel. The others are independent and privately owned, and they are directed by competition and not by dictation. Last week Slobodan Selenic recited a sentence of King Ubu: "With the aim of personal enrichment I'll kill all the aristocrats and confiscate their property." Here is the beginning of a complicated explanation.