Mr. Milosevic Goes to Athens

It seems Greece is now more interested in Milo Djukanovic’s Montenegro. That change in policy is being done quietly and slowly but it has been underway for a long time and both sides are voicing convictions of developing long-term cooperation. Those convictions first came from Montenegrin parliament Speaker Svetozar Marovic after his visit to Athens in February, while anti-government demonstrations were underway in Serbia and Podgorica was speaking out about its dissatisfaction with official Belgrade.

Marovic met with Greek parliament Speaker Apostolos Kaklamanis, Foreign Minister Teodoros Pangalos, Development Minister Vasos Papandreou and Justice Minister Evangelos Yanopoulos. Prospects for developing economic cooperation in a stable region dominated his talks with Pangalos who said he would "talk with his EU and US partners in the next few days". They also discussed "specific ideas and stabilization initiatives for the Balkans". Both men welcomed Milosevic’s decision that day to resolve the election crisis in Serbia and reinstate election results but Pangalos added that he had expected that to happen sooner "immediately after the Gonzales report or even my visit to Belgrade (January) when we had the impression that what is now happening had been agreed."

Just over two months later, in mid-April, Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic went to Athens to complete negotiations on two loans totaling 90 million USD. Official Athens said the visit was private, while Djukanovic said it was a working visit which had "diplomatic and economic aspects". He said that the readiness of a consortium of Greek banks to lend money to the Montenegrin economy stems from "their trust in the quality of economic reforms underway in Montenegro". That trust was so great that the Greeks, Montenegrin sources claimed, had already secured Washington’s approval for the financial deal with Montenegro despite the outer wall of sanctions against the FRY.

As for the diplomatic aspect, VREME learned that "official political circles in Belgrade" tried to obstruct Djukanovic’s meeting with Pangalos. That meeting was held but discretely without the press in the foreign ministry building. It lasted three times the planned half hour. Pangalos also took Djukanovic to lunch afterwards. Sources at the meeting said the Greek foreign minister was "elated" and accepted Djukanovic’s political stands with approval.

Just two days later, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic arrived in Athens unannounced for a "private visit".

"That’s the only way he can come here," VREME sources said and added that Milosevic does not have an official invitation to come to the only country that could invite him for a visit. He can only ask for "private" meetings with officials. Those sources said Greek Prime Minister Kostas Simitis immediately refused to meet him just as he had refused to meet Djukanovic.

In what was most probably a diplomatic effort to show even-handedness for both Belgrade and Podgorica, Pangalos came to the FRY embassy where Milosevic was staying on Saturday. All sources agree that he stayed there for exactly 25 minutes before leaving. Officially, there was no meeting with Milosevic; unofficially, it was cold and embarrassing for the Serbian president who came there to even the score after Djukanovic’s visit and ask for Greek support in Belgrade’s rapprochement with international organizations and funds.

Sources in Athens said that what he got was a question: what about reforms in Serbia? He also got an unpleasant reminder of broken promises of democratization after the election crisis on the basis of the OSCE report. Pangalos told him that "the Greek government is not taking anyone’s side" and added that it’s up to Greek businessmen to decide about the loans they already promised Montenegro.

One detail that sheds a different light on that claim is the fact that Djukanovic signed a deal for a 50 million dollar loan for the Montenegrin tourism and aluminum industries with the General Bank of Greece. Sixty two percent of that commercial bank is owned by the Military Shareholders’ Fund and its manager is appointed by the Greek defense ministry. The bank is also listed as "economic and financial advisor to the Montenegrin government".

An anecdote leaked from the Pangalos-Milosevic meeting which might be remembered as a diplomatic faux pas if the experienced Greek diplomat, known for his quick wit and the fact that he’s never intimidated, hadn’t voiced it. Commenting on the height of the Montenegrins he’d been meeting with, Pangalos, whose very tall by Greek standards, told Milosevic compassionately: "Even I sometimes feel like a dwarf beside them, I can imagine how you feel".