Upcoming: "Bombing Case"

Foreign diplomats visiting Montenegro one day before the inauguration of the new President Milo Djukanovic, were informed by the now already former President of this Republic, Momir Bulatovic, of his plan of "giving back the mandate to the people". Supposedly, on January 14, the day before handing over power, he planned to throw the keys of his cabinet into the crowd of his supporters gathered before the Montenegrin Parliament, thus symbolically "handing over the mandate to the people", instead of to Djukanovic. Some diplomats claim that Bulatovic himself lacked self-assurance during that time, that his hands were restless, and that his face was flushed.

On the day when the keys to power were supposed to fly into the gathered crowd, someone appears to have whispered to Momir Bulatovic to hold back on the symbolism; that is to say, that those keys could still come in handy. His supporters attempted that night to unlock the Montenegrin Government Building. The pictures of armed demonstrators, as well as the toll of wounded that evening (around fifty policemen and several demonstrators), published by every international press agency, convincingly indicated who was using firearms that evening in Podgorica. They also indicate that the Vice-President of DPS, Predrag Bulatovic, was not entirely correct when, leading up to these events, he told VREME journalists that his party, the organizer of the protest, is entirely capable of controlling the gathered crowd. In the meantime, either things went out of hand, or those in "control" decided to instigate something completely different.

On the night between the 14 and 15 of January, peace was maintained in Montenegro only on account of the fact that the supporters of former President Momir Bulatovic did not appear to manage find the right people to pick a fight with.

After everything that happened, many people in Montenegro are now remembering the words uttered last summer in Kolasin by Pavle Bulatovic, the Federal Defense Minister, who proclaimed: "We beat the Turks, the Germans and the Italians, and we’ll do the same with these folks". Or the words of the Federal Justice Minister, Zoran Knezevic, that "Montenegrins will not beat pots and blow whistles..." For the second time in this century, Montenegro has won a bombing case in which Belgrade has played the identical role it played under King Nikola. Namely, official Belgrade is investing everything into proving that the police is brutally attacking citizens and into sparing the most extreme demonstrators from arrest, all of which is being interpreted in Podgorica as encouragement of the extremists, so that it is of little surprise that after all that, some people from Belgrade, such as Slobodan Vujosevic, are exclaiming: "We are continuing."

PEJAKOVIC’S PLAN: Milan Paunovic, Head of Montenegrin Police, categorically states that bloodshed in the streets of Podgorica unfolded according to the plan of Nikola Pejakovic, the former Montenegrin Minister of Police, Security Advisor to former President Bulatovic, and acting FRY Ambassador to Byelorussia. It is clear, claims Paunovic, that nothing occurred spontaneously, namely that everything was well planned and that the provocation of bloody conflicts was the last attempt at preventing Milo Djukanovic’s inauguration as President of Montenegro. The mobilization of "patriots" in the disciplining of Montenegro, and its remaining under Slobodan Milosevic’s full control, has been going on since the very beginning of the conflict at the very top of the Montenegrin Government, and in this, the strategist saw the biggest potential in the defense of Yugoslavia, in preventing braking away from brotherly Serbia, in rescuing Montenegro from the clutches of thieves and crime... It is precisely this blueprint which served as basis for the plan in whose conclusion, after all possibilities were exhausted, rescue was sought in events whose objective was to force the army to intervene. The story of military intervention was mentioned even at the time of Bulatovic’s Party Congress last summer. In the presidential election campaign, Bulatovic’s activists attempted to persuade people, door to door, throughout Montenegro, that everything will end with military intervention, and by the New Year, at the latest.

The dress rehearsal for this were the demonstrations following the second round of the presidential elections on October 19, that is to say, Djukanovic’s victory, since when ever new demonstrations keep being announced; and it is being suggested that the handing over of presidential power will be prevented at all cost. Indicative in this sense is the appearance of Zoran Knezevic, Federal Justice Minister, on Studio B, where beside the quoted threats he "guaranteed that Djukanovic will not profit by his victory in the presidential elections". Radovan Vukovic also showed up later with his version of the concluding scenario of the conflict with Djukanovic, and, as was later told to VREME, it was precisely Vukovic who, during the investigation, uncovered for the police certain very interesting details. It is since then that stories have been circulating around Montenegro which increase fears about a possible bloody conclusion.

SCATTER IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS: And as it became clear that nothing will happen with the cancellation of the presidential elections, as Bulatovic’s supporters began abandoning the Montenegrin Parliament and brewing up the story of Montenegrin secession as a done deal, events are beginning to accelerate: every day demonstrations are being announced and there is more and more information arriving which unequivocally points to their not being peaceful. So much so that even Patriarch Pavle himself reacted. Toward the end of December Predrag Bulatovic was announcing that demonstrations will be held, and on the momentous day he also said this to everyone gathered in front of the Montenegrin Assembly who awaited the result of the negotiations with Djukanovic: "Be patient, we’ll scatter in different directions".

That is to say, it was clear to the organizers of the meetings that a popular uprising was not to be expected, that the advent of 5,000 members of the Spasojevic family was an idle hope persistently held alive by the leader of these protests, journalist Emilo Labudovic, and that even less was to be expected of the tens of thousands of citizens who were supposed to create an image of a Montenegro in revolt. Precisely because less than 10,000 people gathered, the start of the meeting was postponed by a full four hours, after which a completely shattered Momir Bulatovic appeared in conversation with Robert Gelbard. Maximal demands were exacted and, as it could be heard from meeting organizers, no one harbored illusions that anyone will be satisfied. Moreover, it appeared that negotiations were also destined for disaster, especially after Bulatovic’s conversation with Gelbard in which he said that he acknowledges Djukanovic’s election, and that he will not prevent him by force from taking over his presidential duties. Still, Bulatovic changed his mind and told the gathered people that Gelbard is lying, that is to say, that he will hand over power, but that he will move to the building belonging to his Party. By then it was clearly evident that the building housing the Government was at the top of Bulatovic’s list.

And while numerous speakers stirred the passions of the crowd, urging them on to new battles with the Turks, while the gusle sounded from the steps of the Assembly and individuals stationed in the neighboring park kept climbing the wall, and turning toward the Old Town, on the other side of Ribnica, shouting "Tuuuuurks...", the decidedly diplomatic policeman, Nikola Pejakovic, as Djukanovic’s people claim, appeared to be planing out the close of the protest, to which Momir Bulatovic consented by the morning of the 14 of January.

ARMY IS UNWILLING: Otherwise, at that time General Momcilo Perisic’s attitude was already known, and, as a VREME source reports, he had sent word that "military aid" is not to be expected, and that military officers cannot take part in Bulatovic’s meeting, not even in civilian clothes. It appears that Bulatovic was aware that "aid" was also not to be expected from the Federal Premier, Radoje Kontic, who already announced his intention to attend the inauguration. Even though there were conjectures about Bulatovic’s vying for a trophy which could more or less satisfy the incensed rabble, at one point he broke down and decided to go all or nothing. He kept postponing the announced, symbolic handing over of power, from one hour to the next, with the excuse that he was awaiting the result of negotiations.

He announced to the security of the Presidential Building that he will hand over the keys to the cabinet at 9, then at 12, then at 14, that is to say, 16 hours, only not to show up at all at the appointed place. The police, which was virtually absent at the location where the meeting was held, spread out from Malesija (against which an attack of demonstrators from Zeta was constantly announced) to the buildings of government agencies where an onslaught of the rabble was expected, and to the entrance of the city, where it carried out detailed checks of everyone entering Podgorica, being assigned the task of cutting off eventual attempts of armed individuals to join in.

After rising tensions and promises that buildings housing government institutions would be attacked, shouts broke out: "Take the Government, take the TV!"

The campaign was preceded by Slobodan Vujosevic’s speech where he implored the crowd not to use firearms, but only their bare hands, as well as Zoran Zizic’s speech where he insisted that DPS is a party of compromise. Finally Momir Bulatovic sent word that no seat in Montenegro is worth even a drop of sweat, let alone blood. And while the orchestrated crowd kept shouting "Let’s go, let’s go", Bulatovic was addressing the police with accusations that its ranks are filled with criminals, that it is under the command of criminals and that the police is the last line of defense for crime in Montenegro...

"COMMON CITIZENS": With their last appearances, Vujosevic, Zizic and Bulatovic transferred all the responsibility for eventual consequences onto the crowd, at whose forefront they stood as "common citizens" in the campaign against the Government. And while Bulatovic was going around to the western and the main entrance to the government building, one part of the crowd went to the southern entrance and at once began stoning the police. Soon the first injured policemen fell, disarming one demonstrator. At that moment, explosions began going off at the southern entrance, with smoke in the hallways, through which it was possible to see the injured being carried. Policemen in front of the building entered to help out the security from within the southern entrance. At that moment firing of teargas was ordered at the souther part of the building, while smoke from shock bombs and teargas fired by demonstrators was already thick. Teargas was also fired at the western entrance, and at that moment it became clear that the police did not expect such a confrontation. The majority of policemen did not have gas masks, opting to cry with the demonstrators and journalists around them. The Head of CB Podgorica, Goran Zugic, in those moments was ordering the police not to fire under any circumstances.

This was the most frequently heard order in that dramatic night in Podgorica, even at times when bombs were thrown at policemen and when automatic fire was directed at those carrying the wounded. Vaso Baosic, Head of CB Bar, who led the policemen who were subjected to bombs and automatic gunfire, himself otherwise seriously wounded, got up and shouted to nearly all of his younger colleagues, at the moment when the demonstrators were heading toward them: "Don’t shoot lads, whatever you do".

With that, real war was avoided. It can only be guessed at what could have happened if the police had fired back, and if many citizens had been wounded. Almost certainly, that would have been the beginning of real war, according to the opinion of many, which could only have been stopped by military intervention.

In circles close to the new Montenegrin President Djukanovic, after all the drama they persistently keep repeating that during the night between the 14 and 15 of January, everything that occurred in the streets of Podgorica, except for one thing, followed a well planned scenario: the "planned" reaction of the police, after which martial law would have ensued, was the only thing lacking. And after which Momir Bulatovic would not have to hand over or throw away the keys to his cabinet. It is claimed, for instance, that demonstrators knew precisely where they would attack the Government Building. Or, that the crowd did not quite accidently head toward the Moraca Barracks with shouts of "We want arms". Much could be revealed by an investigation which could stop at those individuals (especially federal officials) who are under immunity. The so-called "bombing case" should soon begin in Podgorica, that is to say, prosecution of all those who caused bloodshed in the streets of that city.

In Bulatovic’s camp, it seems, they are taking their feet off the throttle, given that intense support is still only coming from regime media in Belgrade. Only in these media can we still hear the story about Montenegrin police which is detonating bombs at its feet and shooting itself. Even Bulatovic’s closest supporters gave up on such stories, whence came the tales of police self-injuries. Bulatovic’s supporters unwillingly admitted that there were not hundreds of thousands of them in the streets of Podgorica that evening, but ten times less. Also, there was no army. Momir Bulatovic’s party finally gave up on nearly all maximal demands because of which it called people out into the streets for the defense of Montenegro and Yugoslavia from "separatists". With renewed brokering of Federal Premier Radoje Kontic, one week after the conflict in Podgorica, an agreement has been signed in which there is absolutely no mention of the demand for canceling presidential elections. The most important point in this agreement states that early parliamentary elections will be held by the end of May, which even before the demonstrations was not open to question. Of course, because of this it was not necessary to play with so many human lives. Bulatovic’s party will have to explain this fact to its supporters who, it seems, will serve as decor for a new AB revolution.

In the party of the former president of Montenegro, it is being said, apparently, that "everything ended up the way it did". General opinion is that it ended up in a very ugly way.

Velizar Brajovic

MOVES

Afer the inauguration, Milo Djukanovic immediately moved into the cabinet in the building housing the President of Montenegro, informed the President of Parliament that his mandate as premier has ended, and held consultations with parliamentary parties and Filip Vujanovic, Minister of Police and President Elect of the new multi-party Government of Montenegro.

In the meantime Djukanovic expressed slight reservations regarding the holding of early parliamentary elections in the announced time frame, if Bulatovic continues with insurgence, but expressed the conviction that "Bulatovic’s terrorism will soon be forgotten, and that elections will be held by the appointed deadline, that is, during the month of May".

At the same time, Djukanovic gave his support to initiatives for early elections, and this will almost certainly be a point of renewed conflict with Milosevic and Bulatovic, neither of who stand to profit from them.

FILIP VUJANOVIC

Acting Minister of Police of Montenegro, Filip Vujanoivc, is considered the most capable and decisive man for sticking to the policies outlined by Milo Djukanovic. From day one of the conflict at the government top, Vujanovic stood fast by Djukanovic, which is why he was viciously attacked by Bulatovic. Otherwise, Vujanovic was born in Belgrade in 1954 where he finished university and worked until 1981 in the Regional Court of Belgrade. That year he moved to Podgorica, taking up the position of Regional Court Secretary, following which he became a professional lawyer and the youngest member of the Justice Chamber, becoming in 1989 its president.

He was a very successful lawyer, and in 1992 he successfully defended Momir Bulatovic who was taken to court by Novak Kilibarda and journalist Danilo Burzan. That year he became Justice Minister, and in 1996, after the famous affair at the top of Montenegrin Police and the suspension of the then Minister Nikola Pejakovic, Vujanovic became Minister of Police.

Participating in the workings of the Montenegrin Parliament as its member, Vujanovic proved himself educated, eloquent, very hard working and disciplined, but also very responsible toward the public, especially toward journalists, with whom he established very correct relationships, without prejudice for their editorial allegiances.

By nationality, Vujanovic is Montenegrin, comes from a very reputable family of lawyers, is married (wife a judge) and has two daughters.