Every Card is in Play

Toward the end of January eight years have been completed since the foundation of the Liberal Union of Montenegro, the only party which strongly supports independence of this republic.  These days the Liberals decided not to join the provisional government of the new Premier Filip Vujanovic, and they also announced that they will come out on their own in the early parliamentary elections in May of this year.  The LSCG anniversary is the reason for this discussion with the leader of this party, Slavko Perovic.

“VREME: In the eight years of its existence, your party has managed to change from state enemy number one, to a party whose platform is part of Montenegrin state policy.  Does that please you?

SLAVKO PEROVIC: Of course.  It is quite a something to listen to the opponents until yesterday who did everything they could to eliminate you from the political scene, how today they repeat, precisely, word for word, your own ideas.  When you hear those ideas coming from them, it becomes clear that they were, from a European point of view, quite average, elementary, one could say elementarily normal.  Because of all these, if I can say, normalities, LSCG was demonized to such an extent that it bordered on hysteria, hate, passion.  With the same monastery coolness with which they announce our ideas, withe the same coolness they plotted our downfall.  Those plots were often sinister.  To their fortune and that of Montenegro, of course, we survived riddled with scars, and they, I think, are in the process of transformation.  On the other hand, such drastic turnarounds, the ability to one day say that something is strategically and on principle evil, and the next day to take up the same subject with the same energy and to claim that it is good, and to not insist on responsibility in the meantime — bespeaks essential backwardness of Montenegrin society.

Even though one (perhaps the most significant) clause in your party program, that of an independent Montenegro, is declaratively not the objective of Djukanvic’s reformists, do you think that Montenegro today is close to its realization?

An independent Montenegro is not Djukanovic’s objective.  If it were, he would have behave differently in the past one year, he would also be making different moves today.  He became anti-Milosevic when he figured out that Milosevic is making suicidal moves, and that culminated in the course of last year’s month long demonstrations in Serbia, when many began to think that Milosevic is on his way out.  We should remember that Milosevic put Djukanovic in power with the 1989 January coup, just as it should be clear that Djukanovic does not want to go down with him when the former one day goes out of power, if ever he will.  However, there is a real possibility that after all Milosevic might turn into a democrat, that he might reconstruct existing Yugoslavia, etc., and that he might remain in politics for yet some time.  That would be that last stage of disintegration of communism in a uniquely Montenegrin-Serbian way.  On the other hand, if circumstances prove favorable, Djukanovic could also play the card of independence.  Simply put, all options are open, every card is in play because power in these territories is not something you let go, if possible forever.

Do you think that an independent Montenegro was easier to realize in 1991, when Yugoslavia fell apart in the Hague?

Montenegrin communists, and especially their youths, were not trained, taught, prepared to comprehend the enormous importance of the fall of the Berlin Wall, they behaved like fools because they were fools.  Momir Bulatovic’s move in the Hague will most probably prove as jet another of Slobodan Milosevic’s tricks in creating a ruse.  Thus, today the situation is much more favorable, today we have a movement in LSCG because there is a realization that our demand is not colored by national romanticism.  When we say — an independent Montenegro — we are really saying that we want a better life both for us and for Serbia.  This has become evident.

If the citizens of Montenegro were to voice themselves for in favor of independence in a referendum, what would be the reaction from Belgrade?

Belgrade will accept that.  There is no Milosevic or Perisic who dares to mobilize a single tank.  We are not asking for anything that does not belong to us, we have the right to independence, name it how you like — historically, according to nature... We have such arguments which cannot be beaten in front of any international factor, not from any perspective.  Of course, a referendum must in every sense be democratic.  And of course, between Serbia and Montenegro, borders will only exist in the sense that they exist today between European countries.  We should work on such a relationship with other neighbors.

By signing the agreement with the government and the opposition parties and with your call on voters to support Milo Djukanovic in the presidential elections, you helped the new president to win over Milosevic influence in Montenegro.  Still, it appears that you quickly tired of supporting Djukanovic?

We must first remember that LSCG is the only political party in Montenegro which placed principles uppermost in our political activities.  We will support anyone who is for the realization of a democratic Montenegro and its open and wealthy society.  We merely want a partner or partners for this gigantic, patriotic task.  In the area of communist inertia we have still not found him, but we did initiate a process which will one day create him.  If we believe that Djukanovic is changing, there are chances that other might also change.  One thing is certain — no one will play with our principles, we will not permit anyone to be the foundation of a puppet show, or a fraud.  That can’t go with us.  With others it can, but ever less and less.  I often say as a joke that we are O.K., and we are.  We thought that the opposition was in a historical position to make a real, oppositional move in the presidential elections so that today it could dictate democratic conditions, instead of indulging in political calculations about ministerial positions, and in a government which will only last several months.  Unfortunately, we did not have a partner for that lofty, serious task.  Only after that, we settled on an agreement and we supported Djukanovic.  Now we are demanding that the agreement be respected, just as we are seeing that some would turn their backs on it, because they are, simply put, in a position to make any move.  Gelbard and Djukanovic said — there will be elections.  Anything else would be disaster.

There are those who are criticizing you lately for avoiding cooperation with Djukanovic and that you are tending toward Bulatovic and Milosive?

Yes, that is the newest communist fashion on the part of Belgrade and Zagreb Montenegrins, helped along by some important names who work on radio stations.  There, I’m thinking above all of Stanko Cerovic, Manager of Radio France-International, which described us in one program as the most suspicious party in Montenegro, as Milosevic’s collaborators, as provocateurs and as a party which is pushing Montenegro into disaster with its strategies.  Such communist words which go back to the blackest past no one ever said such untruths about us.  And all that under the banner of preventing the opposition from getting together!?  The truth is quite different and it is quite simple.  Djukanovic never offered any possibility anywhere of a pre-election coalition, probably realizing all the possible dangers for his position in such a relation, dangers which are real.  We did not wish to put down Kilibarda, to treat him like Djukanovic’s menagerie of wishes, because we know that he is not that, nor did we want to do the same to the Social Democratic Party.  These are parties which are seeking a coalition because of their realistic reasons.  Also, we could not make an offer of a coalition, assuming the political milieu of Montenegro, only to be refused.  We realized that we must not lose time.  May is already around the corner, and with our declaration from Budva in December of last year, we placed ourselves in a position to emphasize that we want to appear alone in the elections, especially after Milica Pejanvoc’s explicate statement along those lines given in November.  We draw your attention to the fact that the agreement with Djukanovic was signed in September.  And one more thing — extremely important.  This agreement would never have materialized had there not previously been a coalition “Peoples Unity”.  Also, there would not have been Djukanovic’s vicotry, and Montenegro would have had war because of the conflict with DPS.  There, that’s the provocationist, collaborationsist way LSCG operated.  What can be said for those who, God knows why, refuse to see?  In the end, there is only one formula: the stronger the Liberal Union, the better the reputation for Montenegro and all those who work there.  In whose interest is the conflict between Djukanovic and LSCG?  Only Serbian nationalists from the government there and their Secret Police.  If you realize it or not — that’s your problem.

Your attitude that the Liberal Union does not with to be part of a pultiparty, transitional government which will work until early elections is known.  When after the elections you finally get legitimacy, how do you conceive of cooperation with those who support the staying of Montenegro withing Yugoslavia?

FRY is politically and legally provisional, but also real.  The stage is occupied by three currents: Bulatovic with Milosevic in whatever combination.  When he says “Yugoslavia without alternative” he means — Milosevic without alternative.  Djukanovic who is for an equal Montenegro in that setup, which proves that in that Djukanovic-Milosevic setup Montenegro was never equal, but it could be.  Djukanovic will amass a lot hangers-on from both sides, both from Podgorica and Belgrade, who will see some hope in Djukanovic.  He has money in his pockets, he has power and that is attractive.  In every situation they go against the Liberals because they think Djukanovic is more pleased that way, which is not the case.  And in the end, just as in every real beginning — there is us.  We will cooperate with whoever can help even an inch in the process of democratization and transition of the Montenegrin society.

Do you think that Bulatovic’s defeat in parliamentary elections would mean a definite end for Milosevic’s policies in Montenegro?

No.  It is only a model of a policy, it is communism with a top hat.  That’s like: get ready, get ready, but also — into the tunnel in the dark.  That speaks volumes about how Montenegro lost the last fifty years.  That speaks about what LSCG managed to do in only eight years!

Do you fear renewed unrest, or perhaps civil war in Montenegro?

We fear no such thing, nor do we see any possibility of war.  That story about war is only needed by both sides of DPS so that they can homogenize their membership.  It’s an alibi for actions which must not be done in a normal atmosphere, it is an excuse for criminal behavior of so-called patriots on both sides.