No Reason for Montenegro to Suffer

VREME: Mr. Vujanovic, how much have recent events in Kosovo aggravated the atmosphere for realizing the plan for the development of Montenegro, for which the key condition, as you have said, is the complete reintegration of Montenegro and Yugoslavia into the international community?

FILIP VUJANOVIC: It is certain that recent events in Kosovo have considerably aggravated the atmosphere necessary for the development of Montenegro, but unquestionably also for the development of Yugoslavia.  Namely, the main condition for economic development is complete reintegration of Yugoslavia into the international community which will, above all, make possible its return to international financial institutions.  It is certain that the situation in Kosovo is a considerable setback, and the urgency of its resolution is a necessity which those responsible for our fate should realize.

The threats by the international community to renew sanctions are more and more serious, while there are rumors that Montenegro might be spared from sanctions.  Is it possible to realize this given that Montenegro is an integral part of Yugoslavia?

I think that Montenegro would have to be spared from the political and economic measures used as a means of pressuring the government of Yugoslavia and Serbia toward the objective of solving the problem of Kosovo.  Montenegro did not contribute in any way to the crisis in Kosovo, while its government has been pointing to the necessity of dialogue as the only possible way of overcoming this crisis.  In the event that political and economic sanctions were to include Montenegro, then positive politics would be ignored, and the international community would be treating the guilty and the innocent in the same way.  The fact that Montenegro is an integral part of Yugoslavia forces the subjects of the international community to find a way of excluding Montenegro from the political and economic measures which are directed against Yugoslavia and Serbia.  In the Contact Group Agreement, such a way has been found, because those measures do not apply to Montenegro.  The high officials of the politically most influential countries of the world are giving different views of implementing punitive measures, but I believe that they will follow the way established by the Contact Group.  Of course, above all I believe that there will be no need for sanctions, and that a peaceful solution to the problem of Kosovo will be found.

In the event that Montenegro is spared from sanctions, how would the announced sanctions in Serbia, that is Yugoslavia, reflect upon it?

The sanctions against Yugoslavia and Serbia would definitely reflect negatively on Montenegro because we are primarily concentrated upon cooperation with Serbia, and our primary economic interest is for that cooperation to be intensive and continuous.  Of course, this is also in the interest of the Serbian economy, so that any kind of economic isolation of Serbia and Yugoslavia would bring harm to this common interest.

Judging by the reaction of the state media in Serbia, the Montenegrin attitude about Kosovo is one more reason for intensifying the campaign against the government of Montenegro in that same media.  Is it possible to conclude that the mentioned attitude on Kosovo has caused added deterioration in relations between Belgrade and Podgorica?

The Montenegrin attitude on Kosovo was clearly stated in the announcement made by the President of our Republic, Mr. Milo Djukanovic, and in the announcement made by the Government of the Republic of Montenegro.   The urgent necessity for dialogue was pointed out because it is certain that the crisis in Kosovo can only be resolved by political means.  This crisis cannot be resolved by force, neither by terrorist force, nor government force, so that it is necessary to immediately establish dialogue.  In any case, the international community is also insisting on this, so that I do not see why such an attitude could deteriorate relations between Belgrade and Podgorica.  I believe that the heading of the Serbian Government and Parliamentary Delegation to Kosovo is precisely a realization of the intention of resolving the problem of Kosovo through dialogue, and I believe that the Albanian side will realize this.  The contours of an agreement must be defined by the necessity of Kosovo remaining an integral part of Serbia, and by establishing its autonomy whose form and content will be defined through political agreement.

Still, can it be expected that a dialogue fulfilling international community demands can be established between Belgrade and Podgorica?

The responsibility now rests with the representatives of relevant political parties in Kosovo and their politicians to resolve the Kosovo crisis through dialogue.  It is certainly not politically wise to refuse negotiations with the explanation that the level of negotiations is not of sufficient quality, that a negotiations platform has not been offered and that there are different premises for the talks.  A dialogue must be initiated, and during its unfolding it will be assessed whether it is conducted on a proper level, and what the most efficient way for reaching an agreement is.  I think that the refusal in principal by the leaders of relevant political parties of Kosovo’s Albanians now makes them responsible for the crisis, and that such an attitude on their part will not meet with support from the international community.

Rugova has submitted a demand for an independent Kosovo, and proposals have been heard for autonomy of Kosovo within Yugoslavia.  Does this mean that this demand will make Kosovo a third federal unit, and what would that mean for Yugoslavia?

Kosovo cannot be a third federal unit in Yugoslavia, because in that way they would become a republic and a state which would certainly go beyond the necessary level of Albanian rights to autonomy and would change the structure of the Yugoslav federation.  On the level of principles of resolving rights of minority peoples in the international community, a new formula would be constituted, representing a real threat for every nation.  That is why I believe that the international community will persevere in its approach to finding adequate form and content of right to autonomy of Albanians in Kosovo, and that only in this way can the crisis in Kosovo receive a lasting, quality resolution.