Bitter Grass from Gazimestan

Slobodan Milosevic, president of FRY, hit upon new support by plebiscite at a time when the spiral of violence is growing in Kosovo, while the words from 1987, “bitter grass should be put on a bitter wound,” have a bitter ring to them.

The campaign was short, while the new political homogenization was swift.  According to official results, 5,297,796 citizens voted in the April 23 referendum, which means that the number of voters has been exceeded by 260,000 from the record-braking 1990 elections.

To the question “Do you accept the participation of foreign representatives in the solution to the problems in Kosovo and Metohija?” 94.73 percent of voters answered with a “no”, while only 180,692 answered with a “yes”.  SPS Spokesman Ivica Dacic called this group negligible and unworthy of mention.

It is as if the message is not being sent by the 5,017,383 of those who voted “no”, but by the fact that there were only 180,000 of those who voted “yes”.

Slobodan Milosevic probably correctly calculated that the number of those who will opt for foreign mediation at the polling stations will be minimal, that the opposition politicians in Serbia did not feel that they could explain to their supporters why they should vote “yes”, and that Albanian politicians will keep their 800,000 voters in a position of open defiance of the state in which they live in.

THREATS AND REJOICING: Ph.D. Vojislav Seselj, vice-president in the government of Serbia, stated after the referendum that the result strengthens the negotiating position of the Serbian side.  Because of the referendum success, the Radicals for the first time went out into the streets with national, party, and at least one black, Chetnik flag, while Socialists in Krusevac organized a fireworks display.

Real diplomats were sent a message in 5 million copies that they do not have a chance of winning over any sort of appreciable segment of Serbian public opinion which is wary of the carrot, but does not fear the stick.

The present Euro-American policy in Serbia and Serbian foreign policy have once again reached their limits, and that set of circumstances is merely strengthening and revitalizing rigidity, isolationism and authoritarianism, and national conflicts, while it threatens our weak democratic institutions.  In this way the vicious circle has been closed.  The problem is that Euro-American politicians are not the ones who need worry about the fact that their recipe for the south Balkans is not working.  According to logic, this should worry those people here who “are trusted by the people.”

SUSPICIONS:  Critics of the referendum were different in their profile (DSS, DS, GSS, the Autonomists of Vojvodina, SDA, a few independents), and all of them more or less agreed on one thing — that Slobodan Milosevic is placing the people between himself and the international community, that the regime is washing its mistakes, and that citizens have not been asked about more important questions.  Opponents were not at all controlled.  There were assessments (Kosta Cavoski) that the released result is not realistic, especially judging by the results in Metohija (Djakovica with only 25 percent turnout), even though there were several observations of irregularity at polling stations (one member of a family voted for his entire family in Zrenjanin, as well as in some polling stations in Kosovo), the Committee for Organizing the Referendum was not given a single complaint, nor were there any crossed ballots, while the composition of the Committee itself and its work was subject to suspicion.  There were unfounded wishes that the leading party would have to use shovels to load ballots in order for the referendum to be a success and reports of desolate polling stations, but the majority of newspaper reporters observed what they predicted in forecasts of the event — that the result of the referendum does not represent a surprise and that it has not been seriously questioned.

SIMPLE EXPLANATION: The Socialist-Radical Government simply explained to voters that the question does not concern “participation of foreign representatives” (in any case some foreign representatives were included in this process, while others, such as European parliamentarians are now being called), but rather that it reads: “Should we give a republic to those secessionists?”

It is now clear that by calling the referendum they supposed with certainty that they will have more than 50 percent of the electorate on their side.

According to some sources, SPS activists received instructions that they should realize a turnout of 85 percent.  In smaller communities the results resemble those in totalitarian systems — Aleksandrovac (90.83%), Vlasotince (93.54%), Gadzin Han (92.46%), Zagubica (88%), Cuprija (95.63%)... In some villages people went to vote with flags and accordions, like in 1948.  In ten villages in the region of Pirot, voting was completed by nine o’clock in the morning with a turnout of 100 percent.

Before the referendum was called, it was clear that a consensus exists among the parliamentary parties in Serbia that, regardless of international pressure, the military and police actions in Kosovo must not be reduced until the armed insurgence of Kosovo’s Albanians is snuffed, and that Serbia cannot give Kosovo the right to secession, which according to our political and constitutional practice comes with the status of a republic.  From statements made by American representatives, as well as from other sources, Belgrade could conclude that they will be asked to do exactly what they do not wish to do, except under extreme duress, as a result creating a living shield.
Perhaps there are some added myths.  Because of Montenegrin resistance, last year changes to the federal constitution were not carried out, which is why now no one remembered them on the day of the federation.  It will be seen what kind of the Serbian referendum will have on the Montenegrin parliamentary elections in May and on the position of the West’s well received Milo Djukanovic, president of Montenegro.  Taking into account the results of the Serbian referendum, this reporter would not bet on that racehorse.