Angry at life

This, then, is how it looks when a man decides to get busy, to do all the biggest jobs at once, and in less than two days.  You call a referendum, you refuse outside intervention, you forget the referendum, you accept outside intervention, you get to know Rugova, you tell Kontic goodbye, you call Bulatovic, and, as an aside, you discontinue the free media and higher education.  Such speed was not characteristic of Milosevic in earlier days, when he was known to postpone things, and to execute liquidations with caution and with careful preparation.  The fact that he suddenly got busy is probably the result of healthy competition between SRS and JUL in the ruling Coalition.

Vojislav Seselj, Ljubisa Ristic and their staff are obviously inspiring and complementing each other so exceptionally that Milosevic is barely managing to solve all their new proposals for discontinuing, prohibiting, replacing and stopping.  This means that the majority of the most malicious ideas still continue to not be his, but it is clear that now he has inspired associates, full of self-confidence and initiative.  It is quite possible that Milosevic is frequently obliged to bridle their enthusiasm.

However, the increased activity has not contributed, but rather has taken away all meaning from our political scene, which has been reduced to sheer enjoyment of rapidity.  In all likelihood, the firing of Kontic and the installing of Bulatovic has set a new European record — of course, ever since such things stopped being done by royal decree.  Parliament met in Belgrade, it canceled the Parliament in Podgorica and replaced Kontic, and Milosevic lined up all heads of political parties, nominated Momir Bulatovic, and the latter, in the same day, lined up all the same heads of political parties, all together with Vuk Draskovic and Milan Komnenic.  I don’t know why, in such company, these two looked ever so much to me like the two Egyptians Ratko Markovic discovered in Kosovo.

Even though I fear that before I finish writing this article, Bulatovic will submit a report on the four year activities of his government, I will nevertheless attempt to slow down this recklessly fast film so that we can understand who is doing what in this delirium known as Serbian politics.  First of all, it should be known that behind, or in front of everything stands the intellect of Mrs. Mira Markovic.  If you say that you are not capable of understanding that intellect, you have hit upon the root of the problem.  Namely, no one understands it, which she has noticed and to which she does not approve.  What's more, she finds this insulting and is led to suspect that she is surrounded by bad, malicious people, because the lady knows with some certainty that she is right and that the future is on her side.  It seems to me, that in all this she is left with very little ideology, with everything having become sheer, tortured self-defense.  Mrs. Markovic now classifies people only as either good or evil, that is to say as those who are submissive, and the rest.  This is a peculiar instance of a spring which is muddiest at the source, and which only later clears up, although even then it is not recommended for human consumption.  At the source is the undefined bitterness of Mrs. Markovic, a bitterness directed at life, which is taking the wrong turn, all of which her husband is busily transforming into tactical strategies that ultimately result in completely clear actions directed against the University, radio stations and Radoje Kontic, that is to say Milo Djukanovic — because all of these things are wrong and are connected and tied together so as to prevent the wheel of history from turning, and that wheel is personified in Mrs. Markovic herself.  The University has proven itself so many times as a haven of incorrect, unscientific thinking, which means that it clearly does not deserve another chance.  That is why Seselj took this entire matter into his own hands, promising swift judgement against all professors and students who are out of line.  He says that this is how things are done in France and Sweden where the university is the property of the state, so that he has modeled himself on their laws, with the one resembling the other as much as Seselj resembles politicians in France and Sweden.  Lepin would refuse him membership in the National Front on the basis of dangerous extremism and communist provocation, while in Sweden he would be held in formaldehyde as a rare and monstrous specimen of nature gone wrong.

Thus, Seselj has decided to introduce some order into the University, so that there is only studying going on there, so that heads are never lifted from books, so that students behave well and with becoming modesty, are well groomed, clean and not too loud, and that they all dress normally, similarly, and, if at all possible, identically.  Because the state is the owner, it can do what it pleases with that property.  Should the state decide, it can make a barracks out of the University, and if anyone does not like it — they are welcome to leave.  And the state is in fact the government, which is the ruling party.  And parties are there for their leaders.  And who is a leader, if it is not Seselj himself.
The University is merely the first step.  If Seselj succeeds in what he constructed, he will continue to climb unrestrainedly, and the University will not manage to get back on its feet for years.  That is why it is important not to give in now, at the beginning when Seselj is merely making threats, bluffing and bullying.  And that is why the rules of the game in this battle — rules which do not agree with people with academic backgrounds — ought to be known.  Namely, there are no rules.  What is at stake is sheer force.  Just like in the case of the decision regarding electronic media frequencies.  Just like in the case of dissolving and replacing the Federal Government.  These are all war operations, planed out as swift actions and wrapped up in legal acts and parliamentary decisions so that the enemy is confused.  Seselj would like to use laws to protect lawlessness and brute force.  That means that no one will find any aid in calling upon rights or laws.  Did we not just witness how Milosevic canceled out an entire republic in order to replace the Federal Premier?  Therefore, it is worth demonstrating real power, will and readiness to resist.  When rules are canceled, everyone has as many rights as they are able to lay their hands on.  The University will be exactly as free and as autonomous as it is strong.  The media will be as independent as they are able to defend themselves.  This momentary, concentrated barrage by the regime on all targets simultaneously has one advantage in that it can result in a unified, simultaneous response.  That is why this opportunity must not be missed.  If the regime appears too strong and unbeatable, that is because we do not know how huge and dangerous we look to those people who are sitting behind the shaded windows of limousines.  In all this, I am least worried about Montenegro.  Namely, because there it became clear how several serious, realistic and decisive people can easily burst the bubble of lies, stupidity and illusion that is still being maintained only in Serbia.  Evidently Milosevic and Bulatovic realized at the last moment that they have little to hope for from the upcoming elections in Montenegro, and hurried to hijack the Federal Government instead.  In relation to the tiny Montenegro, they feel as if under siege, dug into a fortress from which there is no escape for them.

For instance, Milo Djukanovic could quite calmly stroll through Belgrade, which he does do on occasion, and only one out of ten passers-by might give him a dirty look.  Milosevic will never, for the rest of his life, be able to do this, neither in Belgrade, nor in Podgorica.  Djukanovic has only to fear some madman or fanatic, while Milosevic has to fear anyone who is in their right mind and in full possession of their faculties.  Still, he is aware that his party is in the minority and that Djukanovic represents a living, breathing example of the fact that here, in politics, one can at the same time be both normal and successful.  That is exactly what Milosevic wanted to hide from Serbia, and that is why he considers Djukanovic a traitor, and would like best to send him off together with Montenegro.

Therefore, I would be prone to say that in this mix-up, Milosevic is in greater trouble than Djukanovic, despite the strange behavior of the international community, which Milosevic managed to catch off guard.  They just decided to suspend sanctions against him for shaking hands with Rugova, sanctions which were instituted due to shooting in Kosovo, and they have not gotten around to noticing his new transgression against Montenegro.  I believe that ministers of the most powerful countries have slightly lost their patience in discussing once a week whether to implement or to lift sanctions.

Perhaps they are not sure whether sanctions are effective.  Perhaps they are not sure how to behave toward a country which breaks every norm and every convention, without breaking those conventions themselves.  There are always very good reasons for every bad and unsuccessful policy.  However, if only for their own dignity, they could reduce the frequency of implementing and lifting sanctions.  Otherwise they will begin to look like windmills.