Montenegrin Recipe

VREME has learned that the proposal on the platform and agreement on Prevlaka, which was put together and made public by the Government of Montenegro, will be the official Yugoslav document for discussions with Croatia on the resolution of the question of Prevlaka.  With this the document recently offered by Momir Bulatovic’s cabinet, which did not consult Montenegro in any way, was thrown out.  Furthermore, a source from the Palace of the Federation claims for VREME that the text for Bulatovic’s proposal was not written in that institution which employs 1,300 experts of various backgrounds, but was rather sent in from America by Branislav Srdanovic, former Adviser to Momir Bulatovic on foreign policy issues.  The contents of this document provoked heated reactions not only in Montenegro, but also in Croatia, which took the opportunity of stating on that occasion that it is quite possible that Yugoslavia and Croatia will not sit down to the negotiating table.

It is questionable whether this fact was crucial for the Montenegrin proposal to be adopted, because it is already well known that Bulatovic does not make a single move without checking first with Milosevic, or it is simply the first sign that Milosevic will very soon no longer require the services of Momir Bulatovic, that is to say, that we should soon expect a new appointee and the election of a new Federal Government.  VREME talked about this with Branko Perovic, Montenegrin Minister of Foreign Affairs, who states on the difference between Bulatovic’s and the Montenegrin documents on the proposal for negotiations with Croatia regarding Prevlaka:
“The Federal Government had adopted and released a platform, and it sufficed for home use.  Because it is rigid.  I don’t think that it could be acceptable outside, especially when compared to the strong proposal made by Croatia.  We indicated our position which corresponds to the choice in Montenegro for improving relations with our neighbors, and that is the fundamental spirit of our proposal for an agreement.  Therein lies the fundamental difference with Bulatovic’s proposal.

The text of the Yugoslav draft of the agreement, the one which has been kept in someone’s drawer, did not even offer conditions for negotiations to begin.  Our proposal not only offers conditions for negotiations to begin, but also offers the basis for negotiations to yield results, which is our basic goal.  The platform of the Federal Government does not make allowance for the opening up of Debeli Brijeg, nor any other border crossing for as long as both sides do not reach agreement for Prevlaka to be given to Montenegro.  I think that there are sufficient indications from the UN that such conditions, such a hard approach, with attributes of disagreement as being territorial in nature, do not leave any room for prospects of negotiations ever getting off the ground.

VREME: Is the possibility of a change of borders in the Prevlaka zone being expected, that is to say a correction of a border which once used to be considered an administrative border between Montenegro and Croatia, and can that be a hurdle in negotiations with the Croatian side?

PEROVIC: With pleasure I can say that both Croatia and our proposal indicate that we will establish borders in the mentioned territory.  Of course, I cannot speak about this before the negotiations, but this fact allows for every possibility.  The most important thing is that both sides indicate good will and a desire for an agreement to be reached, and I believe that it will be arrived at in the best possible way, and that is through negotiations.

The impression is that negotiations on Prevlaka have been suddenly speeded up.  How did this occur?

Your impression is completely correct.  This sudden acceleration occurred after June 30, when Kofi Annan submitted his report on the situation in Prevlaka, connected to the troops which are situated there, and on this occasion it was suggested that the two sides, Croatia and FRY, should make use of the Croatian proposal as initiative for resolving the problem of Prevlaka.  I must tell you that this case is without precedent, that one side has an opinion which it releases publicly and officially, while the other side has no opinion.  This is a sufficiently clear indication of how rigid our federal administration is, not only on questions of importance for Montenegro, but also on other vital issues.

But there are accusations that the joint work between the Federal Government and Montenegro on the question of Prevlaka simultaneously represents the acknowledgment of the Federal Government in Montenegro?

I am aware of those accusations, and I also know where they come from, and I think that there is really no place for them, for the simple reason that relations on one concrete issue cannot be used to put together the entire set of relations with the Federal Government.  This certainly does not signify acknowledgment.
I think that it is very good that the initiative started in Montenegro.  It is positive because it changed that attitude of the Federal Government, which is at the moment the only one constitutionally entitled to deal with the issue of borders.  The fact that we came out with our platform and that we came out publicly, indicated in a transparent way all our disagreements with the Federal Government on such an important issue for Montenegro.

Does the throwing out of Bulatovic’s proposal for an agreement also mean the beginning of his end in the position of Federal Premier?

It is clear that there is something behind it all.  At a time when there is an escalation in the conflict in Kosovo to such a degree that the entire world is busy worrying about it, the sudden change on the issue of Prevlaka could signify an attempt for points to be won with international public opinion.  If it is a matter of accepting Montenegrin attitudes, we are also willing for someone to score a point on the international scene, because Montenegro will solve a big problem with the aid of this purchased point.  And as far as Bulatovic’s departure is concerned, it could have been initiated within the context of general responsibility for such behavior, that is to say because of inactivity in formulating a document for negotiations with Croatia on the issue of Prevlaka.