No Three-Way Pact

The announcement made after the meeting between Presidents Slobodan Milosevic, Milan Milutinovic, and Milo Djukanovic, which was released with authorization by Tanju Press Agency, caused reactions in Montenegro, in which the desire of the ruling Coalition, of the People’s Party, and especially of the Social Democratic Party has been crystallized in their wish to be part of Djukanovic’s expert team in dealing with Slobodan Milosevic.  The desire for the presence of a judge in the rink has also been publicly promoted by Momir Bulatovic, who hurried to say that Milo Djukanovic has already been defeated, that is to say that the Milo Djukanovic from Podgorica is at odds with the Milo Djukanovic from Belgrade.  In any case, the mentioned summit of the three presidents as at present dominating the Montenegrin political scene, which is swamped with a real wave of advice and warning to Djukanovic to give up idle business, that is to say agreeing and meeting with Milosevic.

President Milo Djukanovic has become a “suspect individual” not only for Bulatovic’s Socialist People’s Party and the Liberal Alliance, but also for his coalition partners: the People’s Party and the Social Democratic Party, which are ever more frequently announcing threats that “in the event that Milo Djukanovic does this or that, we will reassess relationships within the coalition.”  The number of people who are asking themselves “What is Djukanovic cooking up with Milosevic?” is growing ever bigger.

Djukanovic has not said anything publicly about this, except for the fact that in a statement from a meeting with an OCSE delegation, Djukanovic’s opinion was stressed regarding the impossibility of any agreement with Milosevic as long as Momir Bulatovic remains in the Palace of the Federation.  After the statement from the three-way meeting itself, there was swift reaction from Miodrag Vukovic, member of the DPS leadership, and Bozidar Jaredic, secretary for information of the republic.  Vukovic stated that the meeting in Belgrade means nothing less than the political victory of Djukanovic’s Coalition “For a Better Life”, and the beginning of the realization of Djukanovic’s project “Foundations For a New Beginning.”  However, Jaredic stated “that it is high time for a Yugoslav Radio and Television.”  With these statements Vukovic and Jaredic bore the brunt of the wave of criticism intended for Djukanovic and emanating from the Liberals and Bulatovic’s supporters.

The Liberals stated that Milosevic and Djukanovic were in league from day one, and that they will continue to be a tandem, and that there are three Titos in the country — Milosevic, Djukanovic, and Bulatovic, and also that the time is ripe for calling new elections in which the Liberals will certainly win, so long as the elections are not rigged.  The leadership of Bulatovic’s Party, with Momir at its head, categorically claims that Djukanovic suffered defeat because he agreed in Belgrade to everything that Milosevic and Bulatovic supported from the beginning.

Kilibarda and Rakcevic read the lesson to Djukanovic with cryptic, brief statements that were carried by Tanjug.  Kilibarda was admittedly more cautious, while Rakcevic did not hold back from saying that the membership of his party feels duped, and that the meeting with Milosevic is nothing short of strengthening Milosevic’s position, which does not fit into the political program of the ruling coalition.  At the same time, reactions also came from Predrag Drecun, vice-president of the People’s Party and minister in Vujanovic’s Government, who stated that a change of Bulatovic’s government had been agreed at the meeting, and that as soon as October.  Drecun even precisely enumerated who will get what in the new federal government, headed by the Premier from the ranks of the victorious coalition.

The newest meeting followed Djukanovic’s admission that he met previously with Milosevic, without official announcement, and explanation that he is not making any crooked deals with him at the expense of Montenegrin interests and those of the victorious coalition.  “Had I wanted that and wish for it now, I would certainly have done it earlier,” Djukanovic stated categorically.

Publicly a question has been raised for whom and why the three-way meeting was held, a meeting which otherwise followed several days after Milosevic’s and Milutinovic’s congratulations on the July 13 celebration in Montenegro were not sent.  Djukanovic characterized this not only as an absence of political culture and as bad breeding, but also as undermining of the Montenegrin people.  Despite that, Milosevic invited Djukanovic to a meeting, and the published photo looked more like the burial of the Romanov royal family, than a friendly meeting between three statesmen, “successful merchants”, as some critics characterized them.  Milo Djukanovic does not wish to discuss the contents of the meeting, nor do any of his associates wish to do so publicly.  Vreme sources claim that what must follow is the verification of the mandates of Montenegrin MP’s in the Assembly of the Republics, as well as the change of Momir Bulatovic’s government, but that no precise deadline had been set in this regard, especially not in October — except that in principle this matter should be dealt with as quickly as possible.  Milosevic raised his eyebrows in surprise when Djukanovic stated that he agrees with the synchronization of the constitutions, with the power and authority being shifter toward the assemblies, while the new Assembly and Federal Government, in cooperation with those of the republics, need to deal with the issue of the formation of Radio Television Yugoslavia, that is to say that this entire matter must not coincide with any of the already known initiative by Momir Bulatovic.  The question of Kosovo was unavoidable, but Djukanovic did not depart from his already publicly stated attitudes on that matter, states the Vreme source, which adds that after everything, a friendly handshake did not occur between the three statesmen.

According to other “well informed sources”, the meeting was more crucial for Milosevic than for Milutinovic — supposedly as the first step toward changing his political course in the midst of all the present problems and in the direction required by the international community, which was given a resounding “NO” in the referendum.  After the meeting with the OSCE Delegation on the Islet of St. Stephen, Svetozar Marovic stated that it is precisely the international mediators who are supposed to rescue Milosevic’s government, and that it is that government which is most in need of good will missions.