Amnesty and Amnesia

What could be heard in the Serbian parliament on September 28, 1998?

Serbian Premier, Mirko Marjanovic, announced from the parliamentary speaker’s box that “with today’s destruction and arrest of remaining groups of terrorists in the regions of Bajgora, Cincavica and Jezerske Planine, that ‘armed terrorist groups have been defeated’ and that antiterrorist activity has been stopped’, and that they will only be renewed in the event that renewed terrorist-bandit activity takes place.”  “Terrorist groups have been destroyed, and a large number of terrorists have been arrested and disarmed, and the territory of Serbia has been saved,” claims Marjanovic.  In this context numbers were not mentioned, but police reports did mention around 900 arrests.

According to Marjanovic’s words, conditions have been created for the reduction in the presence of antiterrorist forces in Kosovo, in accordance with the Agreement reached between the Russian and Yugoslav presidents Boris Yeltsin and Slobodan Milosevic, and that those forces “will remain on their bases in a state or readiness for a certain time in the event that the creation of the terrorist organization is renewed in any part of the territory of Kosovo and Metohija.”  Some reporters state that already on September 29, military and police convoys could be seen withdrawing to their barracks; a police representative claims that there are no conflicts, while the Albanian side claims that there are still more conflicts.

Foreign observers are pretending that they have not yet seen the withdrawal of troops, and that what is being seen on the ground does not correspond to the description offered by state officials.  In several places where buttons get pressed, statements have been made that Milosevic’s next move is being expected, his words being already known.  NATO is wielding its weapons.

Judging by what was said in parliament, it appears that the most sensitive decision concerned the beginning of the withdrawal of forces form Kosovo.  No parliamentary session has ever been organized in quite this way.  A meeting of party heads was held prior to the parliamentary session.  In addition to Premier Mirko Marjanovic, it was attended by: Gorica Gajevic, General Secretary of SPS; Milomir Minic, member of the Executive Committee of SPS; Tomislav Nikolic, Deputy President of SRS; Maja Gojkovic, Vice-President of SRS; Vuk Draskovic, President of SPO; Spasoje Krunic, member of the Presidium of SPS; Milovan Bojic, member of the Directorship of JUL; and Milan Rodic, member of the JUL MP’s group in the Serbian parliament.  Vuk Draskovic is the only one of the participants who singled out any details — he stated that the decision on withdrawal is reasonable but full of risks, because there is real danger that “the terrorists might come back from the dead.”

LOSSES: Marjanovic did not state the extent and number of forces deployed thus far.  However, he informed parliament that 94 policemen have died, 193 have suffered heavy injuries, while 144 have been lightly wounded in antiterrorist operations.  The Yugoslav Army lost 32 soldiers on the border.  As far as other casualties are concerned, Marjanovic stated that terrorist kidnapped 249 individuals, of which 162 are Serbs and Montenegrins, 74 are Albanians, 10 Gypsies...  For 29 of these, it is known that they have been murdered, and as for the fate of the remaining 118, there is no further information.  Atrocities committed by the KLA in Klencka, Glodjani, Ratis and other places were also mentioned.  In the 599 terrorist attacks on civilians, 140 people were killed, among which, 64 were members of the Albanians majority, 37 were Serbs and Montenegrins, and 36 as yet unidentified individuals.

There were no official statements in parliament regarding other casualties, so the public has not been informed of losses on the Albanian side, nor regarding the percentages of civilians who perished, nor those who were armed.  Estimates of 800-1400 killed thus remain in the sphere of journalistic speculation and war propaganda.

GUNS AND REFUGEES: Marjanovic stated that the government of Serbia will offer amnesty to all those who give up their arms within 10 days, but under the condition that they did not commit any war crimes.  According to his words, up to now more than ten thousand pieces of arms and military equipment have been handed over thus far.  In this context, there was mention of disarmament of 150 villages.  If there are so many guns in 150 villages, how many could there be then in 1500?  There are indirect indications that official estimates up to now of the size of KLA are inadequate, along with the official terminology which explains what is happening in Kosovo.

It is stated that civilians have been given aid in the form of clothing, food, and drugs in the amount of 100 million dinars: half of it was given by the government through the Direction for Regional Development, and the rest was given by citizens, enterprises, political parties, etc.  According to statements made by the government President, this aid was received by 150,000 civilians.  This figure again indirectly indicates the number of people who are affected by war operations and the number of temporarily displaced persons.  The government’s estimate on the number of displaced persons consisted of denying the estimates of international organizations that 250,000 people have deserted their dwellings due to war operations.  This again, along with tolerance for the government’s denial of the term “human catastrophe”, which some are using as a pretext for military intervention, brings into question the elementary truthfulness of what government agencies are releasing to their public.  What can you find out from the Ministry of Information — first it denies what everybody plainly sees, and then indirectly acknowledge it.

What the government has not explained to its public and to parliament (and MP’s have not asked anything about this) is how it permitted the occurrence of such escalation of terrorism, as the Premier puts it, on the part of Albanian separatists”.  Humanitarian critics of the government’s policies see the cause in last winter’s uncontrolled and unselective intervention against one segment of the KLA in Drenica, as well as in the absence of an appropriate investigation, protection of the law, human rights, etc.  Regimes generally do not like these kinds of questions, and this one especially.  MP’s voted on supporting the government for measures undertaken thus far; in many speeches, including the Premier’s, the sacrifice of members of armed forces in protecting the territorial integrity of the country was commended.  This speech served the purpose of demonstrating unity and of answering the threats of armed intervention.

However, there was a lack of what was certainly the duty of the people’s representatives, especially in conditions in which the state is under threat: to ask the government how it permitted such quantities of arms to come into the region and how it allowed the state of unrest to spread quite so far.  There is an anecdote that illustrates this self-satisfied, covered-up arrogance.  It is said that a citizen used to inform government politicians in Pristina how he kept seeing some horses around the border, and how he didn’t know who they belonged to.  The politicians called on the army and the police, only to get the answer: “What horses are you talking about?!”  After a certain time, the man with the mysterious border horses showed up once again.  And again the same answer: “Forget about that cuckoo, everything’s under control!  Not even a fly can get across!”  In other words, it appears that through unconscientious fulfillment of its duties and untimely reaction, the government contributed to the escalation by not doing anything, and in this way ruined much property, contributed to the deaths of  many policemen and civilians, and then, with massive force, attempted to rectify its earlier mistakes with a resultant very high price.  Some say that this absence of any action was caused by threats from abroad, some say that it was caused by special tactics.  The truest answer lies in the word intention.

These kinds of questions along with others were covered up in every possible way in this session of parliament — mainly through a lot of chest beating and accusations directed at mirrors — much gall was spilt at the expense of the independent media, which were accused of defeatism and treachery.  This rhetoric should not be quoted here either, for utilitarian or ethical reasons, because the speeches of certain MP’s, when quoted, represent examples of black anti-Serbian propaganda (they create a very dark picture of the country and its people), or examples of criminal acts of disseminating religious, ethnic and racial hatred, while statements which represent criminal acts cannot be published according to journalistic code.

TEMPORARY, BUDDY: In this way, those who undertook the responsibility of taking care of our nation did not pose the necessary questions which would shed light on the theme — “dysfunctional state”.

That which could not be expected from the dominant political forces in Serbia thus far did not happen this time either — they could not cross their own shadow and question themselves and others about the cause of all causes of agony, the cause which is called bad politics.

The Premier of Serbia, Mirko Marjanovic, proposed the formation of a Temporary Executive Council of Kosovo and Metohija — which the government adopted — “with a view to not prejudicing a political solution, and strengthening the civil structure, because that is needed in Kosmet today.”  A decision on appointing a president of the Temporary Executive Council of Kosovo and Metohija in order “to continue with the resolution of people’s needs for livelihood.”  The President of the Temporary Government, Zoran Andjelkovic Baki, received the task of forming a multiethnic cabinet within a week’s time.  Vice-President of the Government of Serbia, Vojislav Seselj, stated during the parliamentary session that the Temporary Executive Council of Kosovo and Metohija will carry out the work of the regional government until the election and the constitution of the regional parliament of Kosovo and Metohija, with the election being held once an agreement is reached between Serbian and Albanian representatives.

CONTINUITY: Article 13 of the Constitutional Law on Implementing the Constitution of Serbia (September 23, 1990) states that the parliament of the Republic of Serbia will reach a temporary, statutory decision on the Autonomous Region of Kosovo, and will call a direct and secret election for regional parliament.  This was not carried out for a full eight years.  The parliament of Serbia later undertook (March 19, 1991) upon itself the duty of carrying out the job of the regional parliament, voting on a chain of routine decisions regarding imposed government control over certain companies, enterprises, etc.  In this period, Sejdo Bajramovic replaced Riza Sapundzija in the SFRY Presidency.
That was a continuation of a philosophy created at the time of civil unrest, coinciding with dismantling of the “Shiptar state in Kosovo”.  This policy was defined somewhat earlier in the Communist Alliance of Serbia, and with the coming to power of President Milosevic, and the following was repeated countless times: a great and traitorous Albanian irridentist indoctrination is taking place; the position of Serbs in Kosovo is deteriorating; it is high time to protect the constitutional system; the state has the means at its disposal for this, but will not use them because of political conflicts; the people are left to use every means, statutory or extra-statutory, parliamentary or extra-parliamentary, institutional or extra-institutional.

The series of measures from the “basket” is long and continuous: the former government of Kosovo was replace on November 17, 1988, and on February 27, 1989, a series of arrests began to happen; after adopting an amendment to the Constitution of Serbia of March 28, 1989 (which is celebrated as a state holiday in Serbia), with which the region of Kosovo and Metohija lose their attributes of state power, the region was denied the right to veto on constitutional changes in Serbia, along with a part of their legislative, administrative and court functions.  In February 1990, Yugoslav National Army tanks appeared on the streets of cities in Kosovo.  Djorjdje Bozovic, President of the parliament of Kosovo at the time, postponed the continuation of the sitting on the parliament of Kosovo so that it would not interfere with the referendum which was carried out in Serbia on July 1 and 2, in 1990.  Even though the Parliament Building in Kosovo was locked, 114 of the 123 Albanian delegates in front of the parliament of Kosovo, to which they were denied access on July 2, 1990, proclaimed the Constitutional Declaration on Kosovo, and since then, the Albanian Separatist Movement in Kosovo began to organize its own parallel infrastructure.  Three days later, on July 5, the parliament of Serbia adopted a decision according to which the parliament and the Executive Council of Kosovo were dissolved and special measures were declared — temporary government control was instituted in 250 enterprises...

There was a euphoria about Serbia being able to rule in Kosovo without Albanians.  This policy did not change for a full decade.

VERBAL TURNAROUND: Admittedly, there were certain verbal attempts to introduce some sort of correction.  Speaking at a square in the center of Mitrovica (facing posters “Kosovo Loves You”) in July of 1995, while he attended the renewed beginning of mine digging in Trepca, Slobodan Milosevic stated that “national equality is a solid political principle” and that “Kosovo would soon become a region of mutual understanding, cooperation and a shared life.”

On April 5, 1996, the Vice-President of Serbia, Ratko Markovic, announced in an interview for Radio Pristina that the government of Serbia would soon propose a statute on the autonomy of the region of Kosovo and Metohija which would outline mechanisms for preventing ethnic assimilation by a majority ethnic group of a minority group.  At that time, Markovic stated in the Serbian parliament that the character of the future solution would include territorial decentralization, which does not preclude, as he put it, attributes of state authority.  In the three years that followed, not much was mentioned.  Officials in Belgrade were in no great hurry to change the status of Kosovo, nor even to bring it to the status stipulated in the Serbian Constitution.  It appears that the Albanian side was also in no great hurry because it expected the fruits of internationalization.  The only exception was the Agreement on Education, for which a change was expected at the beginning of the school year.

In April of 1996, five to six terrorist attacks on Serbs were registered, along with the death of one Albanian youth.  Serbian officials announced an action for uprooting terrorism in Kosovo.  And that is today’s drama.

At the time, on several occasions, the leader of the Serbian Radical Party announced that the Socialists were not capable of solving the problem of Kosovo, demanding that he be allowed the position of Governor of Kosovo, and that he would, under that condition, solve the problem within two years...

Now Marjanovic is putting Zoran Andjelkovic in front (some cynically point out the fact that he is the Minister of Youth and Sports), who is one of the executors of the “anti-bureaucratic revolution”.  The body which he is expected to constitute is formally based on a decision by the Serbian parliament on taking over jurisdictions of regional officials.  In a state which can best be described as the breaking of a revolt, Rugova’s group, according to its spokesman Fehmij Aganij, refuses to participate in this institution because it is not an organ of autonomy but of the Serbian government.

In point twelve of the Serbian parliament’s conclusion on the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, adopted on September 28 (225 “for”, 1 “undecided”, 1 “against”), there is mention of “realizing self-rule, that is to say autonomy, in Kosovo.”  Principles are enumerated according to which Serbia wishes to seek a solution for autonomy: respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia and FR Yugoslavia; solutions which are in keeping with the Constitutions of Serbia and FR Yugoslavia and international standards in the area of human rights, civil rights and the rights of minorities; equality of all citizens and all national communities and ethnic groups, without any possibility for the ethnic assimilation of any one group.  The Parliamentary Resolution guarantees a solution to the problem of Kosovo and Metohija in accordance with the principles and heritage of the UN General Principles on Human Rights, the Helsinki Final Document, the OEBS General Principles of Paris, as well as the European Council General Convention on the Protection of National Minorities.

In fact, this is a very generalized positive response to the so-called “Hill Paper” (equality without ethnic assimilation etc.) and a very generalized negative answer to the latest Albanian platform.