The People Must be Changed

When the euphoria had subsided, official results were announced. The final outcome did not differ from what was initially anticipated. The few speculations that Biljana Plavsic might stay in office, had finally ceased. At the same time, western nations directed stern warnings toward the apparent president-elect Nikola Poplasen, stating that although the “will of the people” would be respected, they would watch his actions carefully. It remains unclear whether such statements are the motive for Poplasen’s recent emphasis on the importance of the Dayton Agreement. Since the official announcement of the results, there has been an appreciable effort made on his behalf to erase the notoriety, which the radicals have earned, mainly by stressing the often-conspicuous spirit of democracy in his party. The Chetnik warlord called upon all the parties to “set aside mutual frustrations and form a pan-Serbian coalition” in the RS Parliament. Furthermore, Poplasen denied that either his party or himself have “ever made an effort to obstruct or defy western governments, except on issues where they insisted equal treatment be bestowed upon all three of Bosnia’s ethnic groups, and within both political bodies of the country.” Western warnings were kept concise, focusing mainly on the point that the newly elected president possesses strictly “limited powers”. The people of RS have nevertheless elected Poplasen, and the West claims to have no intention of, either sidestepping, or derailing, their democratically chosen president. Many among the international entourage in Bosnia did not hide their contentment at no longer needing to deal with Momcilo Krajisnik. The High Representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina Carlos Westendorp did point out that cooperation with Krajisnik was virtually unachievable, and that he looks forward to a more productive relationship with his successor, Zivko Radisic.

THE HONORABLY DEFEATED: Rumors have been circulating about alleged statements made by Nikola Poplasen, which describe Dayton as a short-term solution to the problem, while a union within a greater Serbia would present a more appealing long-term arrangement. However, current cooperation with Serbia should be kept within the working framework of the peace agreement, which has not in all fairness, been fully realized thus far. Both the new President and his radical-nationalist-turned-democratic party strongly deny accusations of demolishing party buildings used by their rivals, Plavsic’s SNS and Dodik’s SNSD, calling it “an act of vandalism”. The damage, as it appears, was an unfortunate consequence of election night celebrations. Serbs celebrated this time as well, each party’s supporters in their own way. In Srebrenica, those who backed Nikola Poplasen had been roasting beef, while the local radio station was flooded with requests for folk songs by Dodik’s crowd. There was a festive mood in the air, where car horns and gunshots could be heard all throughout, despite Radisic’s statement that no one “has the right to stoke the flames of unrest with rhetoric of victory.”

Biljana Plavsic initially accepted defeat with considerable grace, congratulating her opponent, and defining him as the leader of the people. Despite her loss, as well as her party’s fallback from 15 to 11 seats in parliament, Plavsic predicts that the “Sloga [coalition] will shine on the political scene of RS in a matter of two years.” An argument could be made for the socialist and social democratic factions of the coalition. It certainly fails the reality test for the SNS.

A few days later, Plavsic faulted the West for her defeat, because they had “demanded from her a more rapid centralization of Bosnia and Herzegovina.” The woman who once stood side by side with supportive foreign dignitaries, now turned to accuse them of having “destroyed her credibility by continuously increasing pressure.” Had it not been for the West, claims Plavsic, she would “be president for the next two years”. She did not state, as she had last June, that there is a mere “miscommunication” between RS and the international community.

Krajisnik too, seemed at first glance to be a good sport. He congratulated the winners, thanked his supporters, and “did not hold a grudge” against those who checked a different name on the ballot. He wisely counseled his successors that “good relations with the international community and implementation of the Dayton agreement are both imperative, but must never be placed above the interests of RS and the Serbian people.” Following these warm sentiments, cynical comments surfaced - how the biggest supporters of Dayton have become its most prominent foes, and vice versa.

Milorad Dodik remained silent after the announcement of the election returns. The people had disappointed him, mostly by failing to rally behind Plavisic’s policies and her long-term vision for RS. The media captured his personal disappointment, and interpreted it as apathy for his people. Hence, originates of the saying: “the people must be changed.” The Sloga” coalition won a solid block of 28 seats (SNS – 11, socialists – 10, Dodik’s social democrats – 7). The results were still far from desirable, since the prime minister had committed to a pre-election statement that the winners have an exclusive voice in setting the agenda for the new parliament, by a right of mandate from the people. It is the SDS and the radicals, not “Sloga” as Dodik had hoped, who won a majority in the government with 31 seats. Despite some losses, SDS remains the most numerous party in parliament, and is likely to be given the first mandate by President Poplasen. It still seems highly improbable that the parliament will cede the first mandate to the SDS, which may prolong the forming of government indefinitely.