The Corners of the Round Table

In Poland, like in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Spain, negotiations between the political partners at the round table presented more or less successful attempts at unity for the sake of democracy and building the necessary democratic institutions.

The way the round table debate is proceeding in Serbia does not leave much space for hope. In all likelihood, the possible failure of what was to many the most convenient way of moving from one social environment to another, may be an introduction into a war among the Serbs. Both the regime and the opposition have better opinions of themselves than there is reason for, so the former approaches the idea of the round table with false self-assurance and a considerable dose of spontaneity, while the latter is already stumbling over banal procedural issues and inside squabbles.

Strange as it may sound, the first round table talks showed that the Socialist Party and Mr. Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo share the same views on important political issues. Neither (for different reasons) showed up at the meeting last week, ignoring the students' invitation to start the talks.

The round table became topical right after the regime consented to early elections by the end of the year. The Socialists suggested that a few mixed groups should be formed to define the election system, the financing of political parties and the media. Each group would consist of three representatives of the Government, the ruling party and the opposition parties in Parliament and would function according to the round table principle. In contrast to other East European countries, one segment of power will not be automatically transferred to the opposition. On several occasions the leaders of the Socialist Party, including PM Radoman Bozovic, claimed that we do not need "an East European carbon copy", since the round tables there were organized prior to the first multi party elections, which Serbia already had and therefore any transfer or division of power is out of question.

DEPOS proposed an entirely different scenario for the round table, which it forwarded to the Parliament, the Government and President Milosevic. DEPOS members think that the regime should forgo legislative power and that the Socialists should take one step backwards and leave the opposition its part of the power which would be proportional to its real influence and not to its position in Parliament. DEPOS' initiative also includes elections for a constituent assembly.

The debate organized by the Student Movement '92 also showed that there is a moderate group in the opposition - the Democratic Party - which does not insist on a constituent assembly as the round table's denouement. According to Mr. Zoran Djindjic, President of its Executive Board, the Democrats think that peaceful and radical changes within the political system and the power structure in Serbia are a priority and that a round table is merely a way of achieving that goal. The important thing is to change the Constitution. It is, therefore, necessary to adapt to the circumstances that lead to success most efficiently. By agreeing to early elections, the regime already made a considerable concession, the Democrats think, and now it is necessary be smart in exerting and directing fresh pressure and demanding further concessions.

Mrs. Vesna Pesic, President of the Reform Party, suggested forming a coordinating board of the democratic opposition, in order to ensure lasting cooperation in realizing the opposition's strategic goals, during the preparations for the round table and the radical changes in Serbia.

It is probable that the whole story about the round table in Serbia will finish where in most East European countries it opened - at the issue of power transfer. In the ex-communist countries the division of power suited both sides: the one side got the opportunity to get rid of the weight it could no longer carry, the other was finally given a chance to make decisions about its country's future, after decades of fighting.

The ruling party in Serbia continues to play its game, with a great doze of masochism, passion and doggedness. Unlike the former communist regimes in Eastern Europe, this one still thinks it can do it all by itself and shows no sign of being willing to share power.

A part of the opposition is continually asking itself does it have the strength to face a turn, while another says that you do not ask this, you just do it. Both forget that politics is like sex: it is not so important what you want to do, but what you can do.