Hope for Political Solution Averts War

VREME: Passions have not abated and Mr. Rugova (the leader of Kosovo Albanians) recently admitted that he did not exclude the possibility of an insurrection of sorts, while Cosic announced, in a way, the spreading of bloodshed to Kosovo. How do you assess the current situation?

SUROI: The war option was never excluded, because, obviously the military involvement in '81 and the overall repressive manner of dealing with the crisis, opened up the southern front in Kosovo 11 years ago. I do think that the possibility for a political option does exist, and that the issue can be resolved in a non-violent way. Within this context, Kosovo and Serbia and their future relations could serve as an example for some future Balkan integration. This, of course, is the idealistic view. Realism, and I do not know to what degree, points to the fact that both a military and a war option are possible. However, as time passes, the war option is becoming less realistic. As far as the Albanian side is concerned, so long as there is hope for a political solution, there will not be any serious shifts towards the war option. It cannot be disregarded, however, that political options, especially enforced ones, could provoke the Albanians to unwished-for actions.

VREME: What about the objections that no one will bring freedom to Albanians on a silver platter?

SUROI: That is true. On the other hand, the main issue, I repeat, pertaining to the non-violent resolving of the crisis, is how and in what way is Serbia entering negotiations with Kosovo. I am pessimistic as regards developments in Serbia, because I think that a denazification of Serbia will take a long time, because national-socialism has existed in Serbia for a long time. The butchers in Bosnia and Croatia have not dropped out of the sky; they are a part of the Serbian social milieu and Serbian politics in general. However, the alternative -- to say that one's freedom cannot be handed over on a silver platter -- must be rationally analysed, as this is too easy to say. We are not, in fact, waiting for freedom on a silver platter. Non-violent resistance has shown a preparedness to bear sacrifices and the citizens of Kosovo as a whole have, in their majority, suffered sacrifices, or rather, self-sacrifices. Every single one of us has made some kind of sacrifice.

VREME: At a time when Serbian Prime Minister Radoman Bozovic is saying that the main goal of Serbian politics is to make Kosovo more Serbian, and when, on the other hand, Albanians are aspiring more than ever before towards total independence, how will it be possible to bring these two extremes to terms? How can a solution be found?

SUROI: What Bozovic is saying is not sufficiently intelligent, and this is not characteristic only of him when it comes to Kosovo. As far as our aspirations for independence are concerned, they are natural, not only for historical reasons and psychological factors, but bearing in mind the basic structure of defense of human rights, which must be built into Kosovo's constitutional and legal system. The only way to realize a true market economy and to satisfy Kosovo's cultural needs, is to have settled accounts. And accounts are always settled when each has his own budget. This, however, does not mean that Kosovo will exhaust its independence in an autocracy. I believe that Kosovo can have its independence for just one logical second to be followed by integration. But, it would have to be based on new foundations, on settled accounts, and a completely formulated constitutional, legal and economic system. I am convinced that the solution can be found in a peaceful way. The question is with what degree of probability. As far as Serbian political forces are concerned, I have nothing to say about them. Political forces which tolerate butchering, ethnic cleansing, and the horrors of war, belong to a society which can no longer exist as such. Germany went through that. A collective feeling of responsibility for Nazism has led to an entirely different situation in Germany today. We can expect such a change in Serbia in a few years' time. But, before this happens, Serbia must have its Nuremberg Trials and go through denazification.

VREME: Serbia has options to divide Kosovo, create the Republic of Kosovo and Metohija, and is also offering the possibility of Kosovo Republic, but solely as part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

SUROI: The division of Kosovo is out of the question. That is a war option promoted by Dobrica Cosic and involves a mass re-location of the population. These ideas are being carried out in Bosnia and Croatia and we can see what it is like. As far as other options are concerned, we must start from the simplest pre-requisite: only sovereign Kosovo can decide on the matter.

VREME: Current developments have led to growing apprehensions among local Serbs and Montenegrins. The recent removal of sacral relics to the territory of so-called Serbia proper, has been interpreted as a sign that these spaces could be engulfed by war.

SUROI: In that particular case, the Orthodox Church said its say. What I find interesting is this atmosphere of fear, that this is the beginning of the end for Serbs. This points to that, as yet, unspoken part of Serbian collective thinking, namely, that Kosovo is lost to Serbia. The problem with this mental structure is that it cannot understand that Kosovo is not lost to the Serbs and Serbian culture, because a democratic Kosovo can survive only as a multi-cultural society, and I am urging for dialogue in the quest for a solution which will protect Serbian culture and help it develop. The Albanians must also learn to accept the reality that Kosovo is a part of Serbian history, its cultural heritage and space. These strong emotional links must be understood, respected and resolved through constitutional and legal documents.