Slobodan Del Ponte

It seems that there is considerable confusion in DOS over who Kostunica is willing to meet with, and who he is not.  Both the media and the public think that the President was supposed to have behaved differently, for instance to have not met with Milosevic and to have met with Carla del Ponte…  Maybe he should have met with them together, maybe he should have left them alone for a little while, especially now that Mira Markovic is not here.

This President appears to be unaware of the fact that he is in a very delicate position, looked at both from outside and inside, and that he should warch carefully who he meets with, and I think in this case he was wrong on both counts.  This country is only at the beginning of its international rehabilitation.  It is still very far from being allowed to behave autonomously and with sovereignity, and it will still be some time that it will have to convince everyone that it has changed substantially.  This means that unless absolutely necessary, we should under no circumstances send the wrong message to the rest of the world.

Accepting to meet with Milosevic and then refusing to meet with the Hague Tribunal judge is simply too provocative.  Kostunica can think whatever he wishes about the Hague Tribunal – I myself am no great admirer of that institution – just as Milosevic’s culpability might appear to him considerably smaller than is believed in the rest of the world, but he has no right to gamble with his own international credibility, because he is no longer a private individual.  The position of the country he represents is too weak, and powerful moves can only further weaken that position.

Perhaps internal problems are greater.  Kostunica is prone to act too independently, which should not pose too great a problem, but in this case he is coming into needless conflict with his partners in DOS, while assuming a position of distrust and distancing toward the media.  The meeting with Milosevic should have been explained far better, if it was necessary for it to occur for some unknown reason.  The appeal to legality and democratic obligations of a president in meeting with leaders of parties is not sufficient explanation.  Namely, Milosevic is not only the leader of a political party but is a menace that has just been removed, a criminal and a thief (or a dictator and a war criminal), so that it is at the very least unclear what sort of legality is best fit for him.

Therefore, Kostunica has done disservice to himself and has put his own reputation on the line, which can only encourage those who think that he is just a transitional leader and a barrier that needs to be removed as soon as possible.  However, it seems to me that these mistakes are hardly ones that cannot be corrected and that in our political life, Kostunica could play a very important role of a moderate conservative anchor that would act as a counterbalance to revolutionary enthusiasm and would bring feelings of stability and caution during transitions that will inevitably cause crises and earthquakes.

That is why the confidence people place in Kostunica’s personal integrity is very important, as is his famous insistence on legality, on tradition, on searching for a certain historical continuity, and even on occasional patriotic looking back at the past.  But despite all this, he should not act as a “counter revolutionary.”  He can give a more peaceful, better tone to all the changes, he can soften certain negative reactions, but he must not hinder the process begun on October 5. 

In any case, this can not longer be stopped, although it would be better for changes to happen with less resistance and conflict.  Many people here are worried because of the fact that the left (be it as it may) has disappeared from the political scene, although it seems to me that a bigger problem lies in the fact that the right has also been suppressed.    There are those in DOS who will represent the left somehow, but the only barrier to right extremism to which Serbia is very prone is Kostunica himself.

His personal popularity comes precisely from the dissatisfaction with the right.  He alone, and not Djindjic or anyone else, was able to attract the votes of frustrated Serbian nationalists and could block Seselj and those similar to him for a longer span of time.

That is why it seems to me that in the general interest, he must nurture his status carefully, while the rest of DOS should make themselves available to him.  They should not isolate Kostunica and should not chase after his mistakes, just as he himself must not stay locked within his cabinet.

From a domestic point of view, not accepting to meet with the Hague Tribunal judge is less of a mistake than meeting with Milosevic.  In fact, the case is somehow reversed.  Here, Kostunica can win back points with those lovers of national dignity by accepting to meet with the loathsome Milosevic.  But a Serbia which is turning toward Europe should begin getting used to not placing such an onus on national dignity, just as everyone who is part of Europe has already done.

Kostunica was not obliged to promise the good judge that he will send someone to her.  He could have, and still can present his position before her, can promise cooperation and can demand more time which he really needs.  That Tribunal, and this can be explained, is presently the cause of enormous headaches for the new governments in Belgrade and Zagreb.  It exposes those governments to enormous tribulations and domestic pressures, and generally destabilizes governments which need to be strengthened.

Yes, there is no doubt that heinous crimes have been committed; yes, many of the culprits are still in Serbia and Croatia; yes, they should be behind bars… but Mam, Kostunica could say, that issue is still red hot.  It is not simple crime; these are misdeeds committed in the name of the people; the war has just ended and the people need some time to cool off and to agree to deal with this.  Although it’s small consolation, Croatia has a far harder time of dealing with the Hague.  They believe that they were the victims of aggression, that they merely defended themselves and came out as victors in that war, although they did overdo it slightly as far as revenge goes.  And they did not err as much in Bosnia as the Serbs, so how come are they in the Hague before the Serbs?  Besides that, their principal culprit has escaped beyond the reach of all law.  Therefore, in actual fact, Kostunica does have an easier time of it.  He could tell the good judge, for instance: many of the people you are seeking, we are seeking also, so how about we draw straws?