A Real Tower of Babel

In his recent talk with representatives of national minorities, President of Yugoslavia Dobrica Cosic spoke of the "triumph of nationalist and chauvinist ideologies" which, apart from having brought about national emancipation, "have flamed the flames of chauvinism." He noted that "all nationalisms are of the secessionist character in multi-national states" and added that "from Vladivostok to Trieste, the national question has grown into the major social and political question," causing "a state-political redeployment" also in the Yugoslav and Balkan areas where "residual energy has resurfaced being suggestive of Nazism, Ustashi movement, Chetnik movement, Bolshevism, and the Balista, VMRO (Macedonian) and Islamic fanaticism, the ideological objectives of which are a Greater Albania, Greater Hungary, greater Bulgaria, an Islamic Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina with Sandzak, and, on the Serbian side -- the project of a Greater Serbia from Prilep (Macedonia) to Karlobag (northwestern Croatia)."

Cosic holds that these Greater-State projects are not just expressions of romanticized nationalists. Aligned to prop up these projects there are brigades , divisions and corps of the young and the old who carry machine-guns. Behind them one sees more weapons, propaganda and political support with the force of ultimatums and sanctions, the great powers, and even the most authoritative forums of the international community. Cosic understands that the "ultimatums for a special status have seriously spoiled inter-ethnic relations, provoking and intensifying Serbian chauvinism and nationalism which have very vehemently opened wider inter-nationality rifts in multi-national environments." To put it differently, Cosic finds the causes of Yugoslavia's disintegration outside this country, in an elusive game of the big powers. He boils down the guilt of Serbia to the guilt of who has been provoked.

Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev has recently observed that the regime in Belgrade is presenting the effects as if they are the causes.

To the representatives of national minorities, Cosic promised nothing but a principled declaration of human rights. "We can and will shape up and humanize a society widely diversified ethnically, culturally and spiritually." Orthodox Bishop Artemije mentioned in his speech the idea of divided Kosovo that had long been attributed to Cosic. The Albanian side treats this idea, perhaps already abandoned by Cosic, as a war option.

Svetislav Stojanovic, adviser of the President of Yugoslavia, has said more than once that Europe insists on "Tito's borders" lest a precedent should be set for more intricate crises in Russia. Realizing the realities and despite Cosic's warning, Panic has reiterated that his government recognizes "Tito's borders" as he calls them "for legal reasons."

It is the fact, however, that most politicians in Serbia, counting right-wing radicals out, have tacitly and unwillingly recognized "Broz's borders" once wholeheartedly denied. On the other hand, they have been trying to evade the reacognition of "special status" in Serbia.

Last week, the DEPOS movement (umbrella organization consisting of different opposition parties and institutions) dealt with the "inviolability of Serbia's borders." Its proposal for the regional organization of Serbia (declaring that Kosovo and Metohija are two regions) in fact meant that it rejected the idea of a special status for Kosovo. In his letter to Lord Carrington, Vuk Draskovic, leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) disapproved the right to self-determination to those minorities the parent countries of which are outside former Yugoslavia. He proposed both the formation of cantons and sub-cantons in Bosnia and the transformation of Croatia into a confederated state of Serbian and Croatian republics.

Panic's government said it would repeal the Act on Special Measures in Kosovo and announced the re-opening of schools in the Province. The Serbian government accepted this with a confused explanation.

At the talks between minority representatives and the Federal authorities, Andras Agoston, MP and the leader of the Hungarians of Vojvodina, said the position of Vojvodina's Hungarians was unresolved and outstanding. They seek a solution through dialogues with the Yugoslav authorities rather than through separatism. The concept they offered for dialogues is guided by Carrington's plan as " the latest and most far-reaching document" in this sphere. It seeks an agreement to be made between the government and the Democratic Union of Vojvodina's Hungarians as the sole representative of this ethnic group.

Carrington's plan was called upon also by Bela Tonkovic, President of the Democratic Union of Vojvodina's Croats, who urged the legalization of the status of Croats and their cultural autonomy.

Dimitrije Kracumovic, President of the Movement of Vlachs and Romanians in Yugoslavia, demanded the use of the population's maternal language in elementary schools, on TV-radio, and in churches.

A Ruthenian representative voiced deep regret for the fact that the logic of civil loyalty in the current war was dividing the Ruthenians and Ukrainians into three seperate states where they lose their lives either as "Ustashi" or "Chetniks" depending on the direction in which a rifle is aimed. He demanded Yugoslavia's protection from ethnic crimes against Ruthenians in the villages of Miklosevci and Petrovci, in the regions of Baranja, Western Slavonia and Srem, and in the Serb-populated sections of Bosnia-Herzegovina, so that such crimes would not "usher in our future in Vojvodina." Fears are spreading in Vojvodina, says another Ruthenian representative, "but we do not participate in this war of our free will or for some interest -- simply, we participate since we are being carried by the force of historic elements."

As for the Romanies, divided into "black Serbs" and "Egyptians," they want to be "entered into the Constitution," so that the elementary conditions will be secured for their living and their maternal-language education.

The Yugoslav government has announced it will investigate human rights violations and prosecute every citizen reasonably suspected of having committed war crimes or having been involved in any form of ethnic cleansing. In reacting to a remark that it would be cynical to talk about rights while bombs were rocking Pljevlja and Bijelo Polje (Montenegro), adviser Svetislav Stojanovic told minority representatives that Cosic was notified immediately that "problems reappear" in these towns, that Cosic personally called the General Staff right away and "again ordered the most rigorous steps to be taken to disarm the paramilitary formations and arrest at once the men belonging to these formations." Meantime, the tale of Plevlja came to its happy ending when a certain amount of arms was "handed over voluntarily." In Srem (Vojvodina), radical groups ignore the warnings and, to all appearances, carry on their "bombardier chores."

Panic's government has stated it will bring order to the entire country. It assigned this task to federal bodies, but the range of the bodies' authority remains uncertain. At the time being, the government begins to pinpoint problems arising in this field. It tries painstakingly and still without any major success to open dialogues with national minorities bearing in mind the fact (brought up by Justice Minister Tibor Varady) that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's overall percentage of minority population is the second highest to that of Lithuania. Momcilo Grubac, Minister for Human Rights and the Rights of Minorities, mentioned the state's commitment to the protection of Constitution-warranted freedoms and duties.

The huge proportions of lawlessness and the large-scale jeopardy in which members of minorities find their lives, freedoms and property -- must be done away with, or else one generation after another will bear the burden of terrifying blemish that is hard to clear.