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March 23, 2001
. Vreme News Digest Agency No 483
The State of Affairs

Extortion

by Stojan Cerovic

We are nearing the end of March, but there are not many people in Serbia who are pleased about the coming of this spring. The new authorities are in a particularly tricky position, as they have to deal with Mrs. Del Ponte who is already tired of small fish and impatient to receive some better merchandise. Prime Minister Djindjic is imploring the US administration to grant him further prolongation, while ministers of justice, Vladan Batic and Momcilo Grubac are going to the Hague to explain that the Tribunal logic and justice would be much more comprehensible for Belgrade, if at least one Albanian were found among the not guilty.

Those people do their jobs, they are trying to find some solutions in an impossible situation, which is getting much worse and more obtuse and senseless every day - especially from the point of view of establishing the justice for all. The American Congress is putting pressure, claiming that the extradition of Milosevic is a prerequisite of the democratisation of Serbia and the stability in the region. On the other hand, Albanian separatist violence in south Serbia and particularly in Macedonia uncovered that Milosevic was not the only law offender, and it even provided rehabilitation for his other transgressions.

Maybe, in the present circumstances, his extradition should really be carried out as soon as possible, since, as the time goes by, the affairs will be more and more sensitive - as the more Albanian responsibility grows, his alleged innocence is likely to win more and more favour. Who is going to say that the Albanians are settling the scores with the Macedonians for what the Serbs had done to them? What if they start getting even with the Montenegrins too? What if it occurs to someone that they have been no angels in Kosovo two years ago, or even ten years ago? Of course, someone might say that the Hague Tribunal is not responsible for that - nobody's guilt is diminished by someone else's guilt. But here, we are not talking about an ordinary tribunal. It was conceived that this Tribunal should perform a political function, to help the post-war reconciliation of the peoples and the stabilisation of their relations. All transgressors and war criminals cannot be caught and punished anyway, which means that it would be enough to charge one representative example among them, taking care of the national identities and a general relation of responsibilities of all sides.

If I understood it well, it would be logical if each side answered for its own legal responsibility, but it turned out to be that the matter is not over yet and that the Albanians, who have not paid for their own damage, are just about to embark upon a new start. One of the problems is that the greatness of the Serbian guilt to some extend depended on Albanian innocence, so that Hague Tribunal Chief Prosecutor must be in despair at the moment regarding the situation in Tetovo. Moreover, those American Congressmen who think that the pressure upon Belgrade is the only way that leads towards the general stabilisation, probably have not yet heard that, in the south of Serbia, NATO started to co-operate with the Serbian side, in order to halt the violent Albanians.

Belgrade authorities are no longer in position to dispute, to accuse others, to reject demands, and deadlines, since the former regime has spent all reserves of the national and state dignity. If it comes to the extradition, the official argument will be that it is a good and useful option, first - because we are dealing with terrible crimes, and second - because the Hague Prison is at about the same level as the Hayat, so that it is not a real imprisonment.

It becomes politically justifiable to commend the Hague Tribunal and its impartiality, while it is ridiculous and detrimental for all to begin any quarrels about it with the 'international community'. But that obligation refers to the politicians, not to us, which means that we are not supposed to make fun of some serious issues. We must not remain quiet and not say that it is about a foreign pressure and extortion, and not about our own understanding of justice and legality.

If we were to remain quiet about it, if we seemed to accept that Tribunal as our own, we would lose our willpower and capability of coming to terms with Milosevic as a dark episode of our history. In this case, it is better to know and say loudly and clearly that the collaboration with Hague Tribunal is a matter of extortion, something that had to be agreed on and something that was not the result of the general resolution. It is reasonable and inevitable to give one's approval to a greater force, but we are not obliged to boast with that and admire Mrs. Del Ponte's kindheartedness.

Of course, all this is valid unless you belong to the circle of Carla Del Ponte's admirers. That circle, composed of well-intentioned souls, nostalgic and politically correct, ethnically indifferent and justifiably discontented with some local customs and habits, is prone to show a somewhat exaggerated weakness towards everything that comes from abroad.

That is surely a much lesser sin than the impressive national extremism, self-admiration and xenophobia, and it is all understandable after so many years of isolation. After such a long and exhausting diet and deprivation of everything but ourselves - they have been convincing us for so long that everything other than our own was wrong and sinful - it seems quite natural that some people believe in the rightness of the just opposite. Maybe it is necessary to live some time on the other side of the ocean in order to understand how that lovely and liberally-cosmopolitan belief in the West and Europe is really just a matter of misinformation and illusions about the world.

In the West, people of that sort have already abandoned the admiration towards their countries and societies, while those who still admire them and believe in justice, freedom and generous goals resemble our obstinate nationalists. That does not mean that a decent western liberal would categorise Milosevic as a misunderstood philanthropist, but he would neither go for the option that the shortest way to God leads via The Hague.

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