Police Decisions

“The situation is very clear: there was no obstruction, absolutely no obstruction on the part of the Army,” FRY President Vojislav Kostunica stated for VREME.  According to the Yugoslav Constitution, Mr. Kostunica is the Commander in Chief of the armed forces, both in peace time and during war.  “However, as in many other areas, we are having problems synchronizing various institutions, new situations and new people in them.  As far as the Democratic Opposition of Serbia is concerned, those difficulties are visible in the synchronization of activities between the federal and republican governments, including the government of Vojvodina.

Problems between the army and the police also exist in the South of Serbia, with the lack of coordination existing for some time now.  This did not begin back in 1992, when the federal and republican ministries of internal affairs were separated, but dates to an even earlier period.

This time problems arose under atypical conditions.  The Yugoslav Army is in charge of securing that entire area, starting from the former Museum May 25 where two military buildings are located.  This is subject to official regulations which could be changed, but this requires time because it is not possible to override army details with verbal order.  In strict military hierarch, the least bit of irregularity could result in chaos.”

VREME: What were your personal orders issued to the Army?

KOSTUNICA: I flew back from Geneva on Friday, at half past four in the afternoon.  At 6 p.m. I was informed of the entire situation, and Dusan Mihajlovic informed me by writing only next morning of what was happening.

Since there was no time to act differently on the night between Friday and Saturday, the Army was withdrawn, with several soldiers remaining at the gates.  I had the greatest dilemma with their withdrawal because the lack of professionalism with which the entire matter was handled could result in enormous consequences.

The situation at the entrance was horrific – on the outside were those policemen wearing those unusual pants and ski mask, looking like they were acting in a feature film, while on the inside were Milosevic’s supporters, paramilitary units, weapons…  I feared that if the gates were open, they would attack each other.  That is why, looking for the easiest way out I hesitated in withdrawing the several remaining corporals, and I believe that this hesitation probably prevented a conflict from occurring.  There was clearly no obstruction, even though I’m aware of the fact that there are many people who believe that it is better to do something as soon as possible, even if it is done incorrectly.

VREME:  Does it seem to you now that it was a mistake to leave Milosevic in a residence which is officially considered a military facility?

KOSTUNICA:  I stated even before the election that I have no intention of living in that presidential residence.  If there is a right to something, this does not automatically mean an obligation, also, for there are many chiefs of state or governments who do not live in official residences, but in their private homes.  I simply have a repellant attitude toward that house – I only found out the exact address of that house now – and I harbor an aversion to that entire section of town.  I am still not sure which is the Beli Dvor (White House) and the Stari Dvor (Old House).

Perhaps there was a different way that the federal government could have handled the issue of Milosevic’s stay in that house, but he fact is that there was a problem of his personal security, that is to say, danger from headhunters who are after that five million dollar award.  Dusan Mihajlovic himself stated on earlier occasions that Miloseivc must be guarded, and his stay at the presidential estate in Uzicka Street perforce guaranteed security.  In any case, his house in Pozarevac is also being guarded, despite the fact that it is vacant.

Perhaps we should have taken a more active interest in this issue, but all this was fairly distant far from sight in view of much more serious problems I must handle.  In any case, there are others who could have taken greater interest in this issue.

VREME:  The clearest proof of obstruction on the part of the army is pointed to in the fact that on Friday evening, all of Milosevic’s supporters who wanted were allowed to enter the presidential estate in Uzicka Street, with only people denied entry being authorized officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.  How do you see this?

KOSTUNICA:  I think this is the result of an unusual, earlier established rule that at the entrance to the estate members of the Army merely inform the police, which is on the estate grounds, who is at the entrance to the property, and the police decide at that point who can enter the ground.  However, the basic fact is that problems arose within the police itself regarding the transfer to this Sixth Directorate of the State Security Service and to four new people who were assigned to Milosevic’s security staff, while some people were fired from that staff…

The army had nothing to do with all this – it is a far bigger organization than the police.  Decisions were made by the police – changes occurred there and there were conflicts between two sections of the police, and not between two sections of the arm – with both sides of the police conflict including people who used to work for Milosevic and who guarded him.  What was happening on the inside was uncalled far and downright silly.

USE OF THE GUARD

“Several years ago Slobodan Milosevic assigned the Yugoslav Army Guard Brigade under his direct control, completely contrary to all regulations, making this his private Praetorian Guard.  Also contrary to regulations of the Law on the Yugoslav Army, he appointed Colonel Milivoje Bojovic as his personal escort and commander of this Brigade, promoting him to the rank of police general.  Today General Bojovic still holds this position, while Milosevic, half a year after having become ex-president, remained in a military facility which is secured by this Brigade,” Dragan Vuksic, former high officer in the Yugoslav Army and now advisor for the Movement for a Democratic Serbia, told VREME.  He added that 12 prior to Milosevic’s arrest, President Kostunica issued an order according to which the Brigade was under the charge of the Chief of the Supreme Headquarters of the Yugoslav Army, but that no concrete measures were taken to this end.  The organization of Milosevic’s security remained the same, with him deciding who will be allowed to pass and who wont through the gates to the estate, secured by the Guard Brigade.

Otherwise the Guard Brigade was created nearly sixty years ago from a battalion of the Yugoslav People’s Liberation Army.  This was mostly an independent unit, answering during different periods to the president of the republic (Josip Broz Tito), to the federal secretary for national defense, or to the Chief of the Supreme Headquarters.

From 1992 to 1997 it was part of the Corps of Special Police Units of the Yugoslav Army, and since that time has once again become independent.  In the past ten years it took part in fighting on several occasions, and suffered considerable losses.  The Guard Brigade received military honors on four occasions (once from Milosevic).  It is in charge of “directly executing the demands of military protocol, of securing the President of Yugoslavia, buildings of special importance for the FRY and people living in them, as well as for combat training of soldiers.