Separation Without Tears

Those brave saboteurs who have been writing out their dynamite "DOS is the worst" slogan on all the walls in Serbia for months were probably on the brink of despair because they didn't manage to convince a soul, when all of a sudden it turned out that the very DOS leaders agree with them, or at least some of them. The slogan, therefore, has become superfluous, since DOS has obviously auto-cancelled itself which will at least be of use to the utility service in charge of clean walls. It hasn't come to the point of a formal divorce, but an agreement has been made on a separation and on rules of conduct, which probably means that from now on the conflicting parties will publicly esteem each other more than in the course of their joint life. Since I lately find it really difficult to shed a tear out of political reasons, I won't sob over DOS's burial mound either, especially since it remains empty. They're all still accounted for, no one admits that he has become non-DOS, no one is taking over responsibility for the separation, but all know that there is no future with the others. I knew some reasons for the survival of DOS, but all of them had to do with collective, and not someone's special interest, which means that something was demanded from the local politicians which they were never capable of fulfilling, except at the moment when DOS was formed, namely, that they shouldn't be their own priority.
 
The winning formula, which consisted of adding up all the opposition parties plus Vojislav Kostunica's personality, has now dissolved into those integral parts, the only difference being that in the meantime a lot more people are standing by Kostunica. If Kostunica's DSS and Djindjic's team with practically all other DOS members were to clash at the elections today, it's debatable who would fare how, but both sides obviously believe in their own superiority. That's why they entered into this conflict so readily and aggressively.

But, let's first see where the differences are and what the conflict is all about. If you listen to the propagandists, you'll find out that Kostunica and his gang are dark conspirators, clericalists, Orientals and haters of the West devoted to sabotaging reforms, and that Djindjic and his people are actually a band of thieves who pose as ministers during the day... Therefore, there is no salvation for Serbia. I don't know how we survived until now with a coalition made up of such nasty characters.

As far as I'm concerned, in this case I'm more prone to slightly disregard ideological differences, although I know that I am cutting off the branch I am sitting on, since the easiest way to fill up newspapers is with analysis of dichotomies of the left-right, modern-conservative, honest-immoral, fast-slow, revolutionary-reactionary type. I might even be able to instill a bit of passion in opting for one and against the other, under the condition that I believe that here, in the affair over DOS's collapse, that truly is the issue. Since I don't believe that, I don't think I should pull wool over someone's eyes by prattling about ideas just because I find it amusing.

The only serious difference in the stands, which was the reason for intensifying the conflict, wasn't of domestic origin. Word is of outside pressure to extradite Milosevic, which Kostunica viewed differently than Djindjic, and back then that almost brought about DOS's breakdown. Surprisingly, it turned out that in that episode Djindjic wasn't the loser and it might even occur that even more people will start esteeming his famous pragmatism. But, for now, even though opinion polls show that even Kostunica is no longer as popular, the difference between them is obvious. Kostunica looks like someone who can win the elections, but he doesn't have people who know how to rule the state, and it's the opposite with Djindjic.

Since, judging by all counts, a pre-election campaign is just beginning, Djindjic is starting to win over and seduce those who trust him least, the conservative national institutions like the Serbian Orthodox Church. He is collecting funds for the completion of St. Sava's cathedral, he is introducing religion into the school curriculum and promising that it will be a compulsory subject, and is irritating some of his followers with it, but no one recognizes him as a man seriously devoted to godly works. All the same, Djindjic counts that even religious people will know how to recognize what is more profitable for them and it's possible that the church will want to repay him in some way.

In any case, the prime minister is courageously trying to return the ball to Kostunica on his terrain. I can't even guess what the result will be, but two things are clear. First, that all versions of reconciliation and a joint appearance are finally out of the question, which is no longer necessary since the socialist-radical opposition is no longer a threat. Second, it is evident that Djindjic's side is the one which has to fight for the voters more massive support. Since all that Kostunica represents and what he addresses is, by all counts, the majority in Serbia, naturally conservative, like any majority, always and everywhere.

Therefore, at this moment Djindjic has at his disposal a lot more power and holds some kind of initiative, but Kostunica seems more promising. He only has to reach the point of elections, which is what Djindjic won't agree to in the near future.

However, all of this promises a rather poisonous fall. Djindjic's government will be able to operate, but under great pressure; it will have to fight for popularity which is why it will have great problems with any kind of reforms, as is evident by the fact that education reforms have commenced by introducing religion.

However, all in all, I wouldn't say we are threatened by anything more dangerous than a certain slowing down of the tempo. Nothing in DOS's collapse is unseen, unexplainable and irrational. I don't believe that will present a serious problem for Labus and the others who have to explain things to some foreigners who hold the cash. It could even turn out to be convenient for us to say how we have internal resistance which is why aid and investments are even more necessary and urgent.

Although, naturally, those who are holding on to that cash aren't known for their naivety. It's highly unlikely we can concoct some pauper's shrewdness here first, although we are always proud of that type of cleverness.