Cross-country

On November 19, the Federal Government spent the whole day trying to reconcile various parties, movements, assemblies and the two republics in order to persuade President Cosic to take a possible decision on postponing the elections. Shortly before midnight, it was said from the President's cabinet that there would be no delay, because of, among other things, the resolute protest of the Montenegrins.

The two ruling parties in Serbia (Socialist and Radical) did not bother to hide their satisfaction, while the opposition failed to hide its disappointment: Goran Percevic (SPS) estimated that the decision was in accordance with what Cosic had said in his inaugural exposé, and Seselj confirmed that his party was against the delay.

Deeply disappointed, Vladeta Jankovic (DEPOS spokesman) said that DEPOS "hoped the President would show more understanding for the difficult position in which the opposition found itself". Milan Komnenic (SPO) said that "the President and the Federal Government should not be too proud of themselves after such a decision"; Zoran Djindjic (Democratic Party) pointed to "a series of mistakes regarding technical procedures, such as the late agreement on the media, the tardy printing of the voting ballots and a problematic attitude of the election commissions".

It took just a little more than 120 hours for the opposition to abandon its euphoric optimism concerning the "winning combination" and fall into confusion and despair. Panic told "TV Politika" sarcastically that "Serbs are not for the opposition - they are against the system". In spite of the present crisis and the decreasing optimism of his followers, he is still seen as a favorite; he is apparently still bringing hope, and his rating, according to the polls, is much higher than Milosevic's. His performance in the election campaign is impressive, but the political ladder he is trying to climb is too shaky.

While Panic was attending a memorial service for all killed in the current war at Belgrade's main church last week, a voice from the crowd shouted: "Don't give up, Panic". On the same evening, after showing a very brief reportage covering the event, TV Belgrade published an offensive letter by the Volunteers' Association addressed to the Prime Minister. In the village of Bogatic (near Sabac) the farmers welcomed him with "You good-for-nothing president", only to see him off with frenetic applause.

Thursday, November 19, was the deadline for submitting lists for federal elections, while only two days before this date discussions on who would go along on the same ticket ended. Perhaps its better this way. Let each test his strength, and make coalitions after the elections.

The Democratic Party reached a decision to participate in the December elections last week-end and submitted its lists. Its president Dragoljub Micunovic concluded that unfortunately it was too late for a joint list with other parties.

Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) leader Vuk Draskovic claimed that such a decision was a breach of the agreement. The whole situation was reminescent of the opposition's disputes on the eve of the 1990 elections. The SPO leadership then voted to take part in the elections, without waiting for DEPOS to reach a decision. Draskovic was under great pressure from the Liberals and the DEPOS wing opposed to taking part in the elections. The fact that the Democrats entered the arena made it easier for him to say "yes". Milan Komnenic (SPO) said that his party had decided to take part in the elections partly because neither the international public nor the citizens of Serbia would greet the boycott. SPO conditioned its participation with the improval of election procedures.

DEPOS Council agreed on Tuesday to participate at the elections, but with a very narrow majority.

In the meantime, President Cosic sent a message saying that he would not run against Slobodan Milosevic, or, in other words, that he would not support DEPOS. After being released from the hospital, he simply went on sick-leave. Goran Percevic, a young Socialist, said the next day that Cosic was a convinced Social-Democrat, a firm opponent of monarchism and would not support DEPOS. That he was close to the Socialists in certain points and that his support of a certain centrist political group should not come as a surprise.

Vuk Draskovic said that DE-CO (the Democratic Coalition) was a trick and that it was just a coalition of unimportant small parties aimed at weakening DEPOS.

Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) leader Vojislav Kostunica said, in a tone which might hurt Draskovic's feelings, that DEPOS' decision actually revealed relations between the coalition parties. The DSS decision not to run actually means the end of DEPOS. However, Kostunica said that "conditions remained unchanged" and the fact that DSS would not take part in the elections did not necessarily mean the demise of DEPOS, but only that it would not be the same.

It seems that DEPOS, as an association which had aims at bringing about a revolutionary political change, has reached an end.

DSS decided to concentrate only on the republican elections, partly because time is running out and partly because it is skeptical about the future of Yugoslavia and has no confidence in President Cosic.

Judging by the election lists, the Democrats have expanded the range of their political confidence to include both reformists and nationalists. There aim is to attract various segments of the electorate and act as an all-national party.

The DEPOS list is headed by Vuk Draskovic. The Belgrade candidate is Slobodan Rakitic (SPO MP). The names that figure on its list speak of a tendency to rely on people who have not so far been involved in politics or are politically uncompromised.

The score is such that, without the direct participation of Cosic and Panic, the so-called Panic-Cosic block will act within two crippled coalitions - DEPOS and League of Democrats. In this denouement, the Democrats demonstrated more skill than DEPOS which is suffering a crisis because its members had failed to develop their respective strategies.

In Serbia, there are at least five to eight politically relevant groups: the civic block, the royalist block, the democratic center, the socialists, the right wing nationalists, and three important minority groups: the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Democratic League of Hungarians from Vojvodina (DZVM) and the Democratic League of Kosovo (DSK). DZVM decided to take part in the elections on its own.

Dragan Veselinov (Farmers' Party) said that he had contacts with DEPOS and at the same time stated that the Civic Alliance had an agreement with the Democrats, announcing a sort of coalition. DEPOS "refused the services" of the Civic Alliance, and the Democrats gave hints that they would gladly have Vesna Pesic (Reformist Party) and Nebojsa Popov (Republican Club) on their lists. It turned out that the Civic Alliance will not run, since its leaders failed to agree with the Democrats.

The Socialists have wasted four months in playing games with the opposition, finally tiring it out to such an extent that it is simply unable to comprehend that the Socialists are actually giving it an opportunity to put into effect its claims from April and June this year (resignation, resignation; elections, elections!).

The Socialists confirmed that Slobodan Milosevic was their presidential candidate at the republican elections.

Zoran Djindjic, affected by unwise optimism, estimated that one month would be enough to convince the people that by electing the same old faces they would be buying a one-way ticket to hell.