Board Of Tattletales

The Panic case should lead every neutral bystander to the conclusion that Milosevic deserves to win and that this country has deserved everything his victory would bring. In spite of a large Serbian opposition block and so many ambitious leaders, it took a businessman from California, to whom politics are just a temporary hobby and who is perfectly ignorant of domestic affairs, for Milosevic to get a true rival. None of these worried patriots dared to utter just a few logical and reasonable words and tear up the straitjacket slipped on to the whole nation by the regime's war propaganda. Even now, when it is obvious that Panic gained general sympathy among the public with his plain and sobering vocabulary, the Serbian opposition still doesn't know how and doesn't dare repeat all his says. Fearfully and from a distance they give him support, still not believing that he could survive accusations of treason. Furthermore, many of these opposition professors, writers and intellectuals, Milosevic's fierce adversaries, believe that Panic failed to fully understand something concerning the national question, something very complicated, which makes them sweat and suffer whenever Serbs outside Serbia are mentioned and whenever they are supposed to dispute convincingly Milosevic's war policy. They thought Panic was finished the moment he said that he would recognize all the republics, that he was not interested in either the past or the borders, or when he went to Kosovo and had a friendly talk with Rugova.

Things turned out differently. It has turned out that the citizens are far less prisoners of a Greater Serbia than the so-called national elite, which speaks with greater fluency than Panic, has greater knowledge of history, of the people's mentality and their aspirations. They all had to admit that Panic was the only one who had a chance against Milosevic, since nobody else had thought of the simple fact that the people just wanted to live a little bit better, no matter how treacherous and capitulative that may sound.

Milosevic, as any prophet of death, sensed immediately the danger of spreading the heresy of life. He surrounded Panic with his men, with the same ethical giants who are now leaving the Government, shocked after having discovered who Panic really is and what he wants. The first was Vladislav Jovanovic, Foreign Minister, but his patriotic resignation did not exactly make a sensation. Then, when Panic openly challenged Milosevic, another three ministerial chairs were emptied. The greatest fuss was made by Radmila Milentijevic, no less an American than Panic, who accused him of having surrounded himself with foreigners and of being a foreign agent. This did not create a sensation either, since the people here, in the last fifty years and especially lately, have become used to foreign agents and learned to live with them in friendly relations.

In any case, Milosevic can't think of any new weapon to use against Panic, something that hasn't already been used a hundred times since the Eighth Session. Suddenly, all the accusations just ricoched from him and turned against the tattletales themselves. In fear of hearing the word "treason", the opposition hasn't been able to raise its head for years, while Panic walked through unharmed, although it looked as if Seselj, Television and the chorus of inquisitors would tear him apart with ease. Unlike Micunovic, Draskovic and the like, Panic neither understands nor accepts such accusations, he doesn't worry over them, but ridicules them, thus making his innocence clear to all.

Milosevic can't do otherwise but to disqualify Panic. The Law On Elections was amended to his requirements: it demands that a presidential candidate possess a residence permit of over one year's duration. Panic submitted only the domicile certificate. The difference between the two documents is only too clear to all those who, thanks to the present regime and its legal catches, exchanged their domicile in Serbia for residence anywhere else.

According to a well known definition, democracy is a system which allows for a peaceful change of regime. Will it be shown that a small linguistic finesse has prevented Serbia from figuring on the list of countries that function in accordance with the mentioned definition? Judging by all, the upcoming elections are our last chance, and Panic is the only one who can accomplish something big. He publicly announced that he would lodge a complaint with the Constitutional Court, and the final decision concerning this matter will be reached on Saturday. That makes the readers of this column smarter than its author.

This, however, is the cheapest way for Milosevic to get rid of Panic. The world will protest, many in Serbia will be angry and disappointed but, if Milosevic should let him pass now, he would have to use arms to stop him later.

In acutely critical situations, various mysterious bodies, boards, councils and headquarters emerge in this country, and when on the point of believing that you've decoded the structure of power, something new arises. Now it's the turn of the "Defence Minister's Collegium", which is asking Panic to freeze his Defence Minister's post, since his behavior is "strongly partisan". It seems that we are dealing here with ministry section heads, generals and colonels who wish to help Milosevic on the eve of elections, just as general Kadijevic did two years ago, when he warned the people not to abuse their freedom by voting for the opposition.

This time, however, discrete threats by military circles may not be sufficient, and tanks may be used to annihilate the election results post festum. Panic's candidacy puts into question the election premise, which says: Milosevic must win. The opposition parties are resigned to that fact, and they entered the race each for himself, fearing that together they could win a majority. They are now being given a chance that they must not pass up: to save Serbia from giving legitimacy to Milosevic's war mandate.

If the court, i. e. Milosevic, does not change its/his mind, even if a theoretical possibility to change the present regime and policy is not allowed, all those who run at the elections will bear a part of responsibility for the war, for sanctions, and for the fact that pretty soon Serbia will envy Albania. The world will interpret Milosevic's legitimate victory as proof that Serbia is a hopeless case. Advocates of a military intervention will have fresh arguments and no one will be in a position to dispute the justitfication of sanctions any more. With a clear conscience, the world will say: Drop dead!

The opposition should announce a general boycott and forego the efforts and money invested in the campaign, TV spots and posters, in the hope that the Allmighty will pay for the damage. Perhaps even that wouldn't impress Milosevic, perhaps he is no longer concerned about the laws of this world and rules followed by "the anti-Serbian civilization". Perhaps he has understood the main advantages of isolation and misery: a people who don't travel, don't receive visitors and have reached the edge of existence can be ruled without effort. However, at this stage he must still prove that he doesn't need either the elections, parliament, or the courts - only the people and the police. We still haven't accepted this: we can still feel surprise and rage, and that is precisely the meaning of the boycott.

And if eventually everything fails, if the opposition splits and sways, somewhere in the future someone will try to explain to no avail that the final breakdown took place somewhere between residence and domicile.