Borders Are Not Sacrosanct

There is an unusual calm in Kosovo after the elections in Serbia and Yugoslavia. Ethnic Albanian parties and leaders have made very brief and generalized comments, as if they are re-examining the possible consequences of Slobodan Milosevic's new victory and the breakthrough of Vojislav Seselj's Radicals. We talked about these issues with Shkelzen Malici (45), vice-president of the Social-Democratic Party of Kosovo.

Mr. Malici, do you share our impression that Kosovo has been surprised by the outcome of the elections?

I wouldn't say it was a surprise, because we expected Milosevic's victory. But we are surprised and somewhat shocked by those consequences we didn't think about enough earlier. Serbian fascism was born here in Kosovo; we watched it grow day by day, the introduction of apartheid, and total national discrimination. Perhaps because we always hoped a change would come about, we found it impossible to imagine that Kosovo would suddenly come under the power of Zeljko Raznjatovic-Arkan and Seselj, and this makes the issue even more frightening.

There are views that Arkan is the result of a mistake made by ethnic Albanians themselves. Had they voted, he could not have won.

Won, in what? If ethnic Albanians had gone to the polls, we would have had the illusion of political representation while those whose puppet Arkan is would have continued to rule Kosovo behind the scenes. I would say that, in some way, it is better that Serbian militarism has been completely exposed in Kosovo, and that we know its immediate goal - the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo. Arkan and his retinue have been driving around Kosovo for several weeks in a van with Vukovar registration plates. Probably in order to sow fear, and imply that the Vukovar apocalypse will be repeated here.

Before the elections there were speculations that if ethnic Albanians went to the polls, they would play a decisive role in toppling Milosevic?

Yes, a part of the Serbian opposition speculated with ethnic Albanians as a numerical mass which could save democracy in Serbia. It was somewhat cynical when ethnic Albanians were called to participate in the democratic process, while at the same time, it had never occurred to anyone from the opposition to bring up the question of the lifting of the state of emergency in Kosovo, or rather, military administration, as one of the conditions for the holding of normal elections. Viewed from a long-term perspective, democracy was in effect suspended when the largest part of Serbia's current opposition upheld and encouraged populism and fascism in Kosovo. That is why the opposition can be told: you are reaping as you sowed.

Among ethnic Albanian political leaders, even in the leading party, there were those who believed that it was necessary to go to the polls?

Yes, there were such views, but mostly because of pressures by foreign diplomats. However, considering the political goals that ethnic Albanians are fighting for, and the non-violent methods they have chosen, those championing participation in elections believed it would be very useful if a strong group of ethnic Albanian representatives were present in the Serbian and Yugoslav parliaments. Men who would represent the authentic interests of ethnic Albanians, including demands for self-determination and for Kosovo's secession.

Did you share the view?

In principle, yes. But my realpolitik assessments told me that it was impossible. Theoretically speaking, we could have drawn up a list of independent ethnic Albanian candidates whose program would call for an independent Kosovo.

Why not in practice?

Because it was very difficult to find candidates for such an experiment. Because that would have brought about a great shock and perhaps a rift in the ethnic Albanian movement. In the present circumstances, a rift could have serious and perhaps catastrophic consequences. No one was prepared to take such a risk.

How long do you believe ethnic Albanians will abstain from going to the polls and from participating in Serbia's political life?

Ethnic Albanians will boycott elections until a temporary or permanent solution for Kosovo is found, one which will be satisfactory to ethnic Albanians. And until the full competencies of the Kosovo parliament and government now in exile, are set up. It is doubtful that such elections could be held at all while Kosovo is under Serbia's jurisdiction.

The resolving of the Kosovo problem is one of the conditions for the lifting of sanctions against Serbia. Do you see a chance for Kosovo through international pressure, even though the London and Geneva conferences did not in fact question Serbia's jurisdiction over Kosovo?

Yes, but the basic conference document contains a formulation which says that national communities have the right to self-determination. When we do get down to serious talks, a compromise solution will probably be sought, and the important issues will be resolved in the package dealing with the Yugoslav crisis. In other words, the resolving of the Kosovo question will depend greatly on the kind of peace agreement arrived at in Bosnia. If the Serbs win great ethnic concessions in Bosnia, which seems very likely, then they will be asked to make great ethnic concessions in Kosovo.

You said somewhere, before the elections, that ethnic Albanians would prefer Milosevic to win. Diplomatic circles and a part of the Serbian civil opposition interpreted this as urging for chaos and war.

Perhaps it could have been interpreted in such a context. I do not urge war, but I did express the dominant feeling among ethnic Albanians, who, understandably, because they have lived so long under impossible conditions, are very tired and exhausted, and so wish a speedy resolving of the crisis. Before the elections it seemed that a solution would be arrived at quickly if Milosevic won, because his victory would open the door to a foreign military intervention and the speedy and violent toppling of his regime.

Head of the counter-espionage service (KOS) Nedjo Boskovic was in Kosovo just before the Catholic Christmas and forecast an armed uprising by ethnic Albanians, but also that the war would start in Macedonia and then spread to Kosovo. Are ethnic Albanians preparing for war, and is there danger of a southern front being opened?

No, Kosovo Albanians are not preparing for war. They have taken a risk and opted only for a defence strategy relying on Albania, which repeated several times that would help its Kosovo brethren if they were endangered. Albania is speedily modernizing its army and has close military links with Turkey, Italy and the US, and, is practically under NATO's umbrella... On the other hand, in the last few weeks, the presence of a large number of top KOS officials in Kosovo has been noticed, but it is difficult to find out what they are up to. Certainly nothing good... I assume that they wish to fake a reason for war in the triangle formed by ethnic Albanian communities in southern Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo. Over the holidays all Albanian flags were taken down in Presevo. Macedonian and Serbian police clashed in Kuceviste over pictures of Seselj and Arkan. There are indications that the Serbian border police are offering arms to ethnic Albanian peasants on the Macedonian side of the border. At any rate, ethnic Albanians are not planning a rebellion either for the Catholic or for the Orthodox Christmas. Macedonia does not want war either. Only Milosevic's regime cannot stay in power without making new enemies and starting new wars.

US President George Bush sent an unusually sharp and open war threat to Serbia in the event that Kosovo is endangered. Can, and to what extent, Bush be believed and have ethnic Albanians been marked as enjoying a privileged status and protection?

The threat was made to Milosevic and not us, so that he must think about it and decide how serious it is. I think it is important that in the threat President Bush specially mentioned Kosovo Serbs as the potential instigators of war. Concerning America's goodwill towards ethnic Albanians, it has been manifested earlier in various forms, but we must wait and see if the threat is a tactical or strategic one, or rather, if ethnic Albanians have joined long-term favorites in the realization of America's global interests.

After the elections Ibrahim Rugova said that, unfortunately, nationalist and communist forces had won in Serbia; that they were present and that it was necessary to negotiate with them. Do you believe in the possibility of a Serbian-ethnic Albanian dialogue after the total failure of Milan Panic's initiative?

Ethnic Albanian-Serbian negotiations should take on full institutional form soon, under international control, of course. I expect more from these negotiations than I dare say at the moment.

In late November at a platform organized by the Belgrade circle, you proposed an agreement for the separation by consent of Kosovo and Serbia. Are your hopes linked to such a solution?

The choice is narrow. If we do not want the hell of an enforced life together in hatred, or rather, one full of smoldering dissension and disintegration, and if we do not want a war of extermination which could soon grow into a Balkan war - it is necessary to seek a formula for separation and a fixing of boundaries, albeit gradually and under international supervision, perhaps in the form of a temporary protectorate. It is in the interests of Serbia and the Serbian people to change the 100-years-long history of enmity towards ethnic Albanians and to recognize their right to a full state cohabitation in the Balkans. Holding onto Kosovo by force will cost Serbia a great deal in every respect.

We have noticed lately, that at the mention of the September 1991 Kosovo referendum, there is a repetition of the original formula: an independent Kosovo with the right of joining a Yugoslav federation/confederation. Does this mean that the ground is being laid for an eventual compromise solution: a republic of Kosovo within the Yugoslav federation/confederation?

That option has its supporters, just as there is another solution to the eventual division of Kosovo. Allegedly Serbia's plans on the division of Kosovo are in circulation. According to one version, 40% would go to Serbia and the rest to ethnic Albanians. According to another, Serbia would take only 15% of Kosovo territory. I do not wish to say here which of these two options is the better and more realistic. It is a matter of negotiations by authorized representatives of the two sides.

Serbian Television recently quoted your statement to the Greek daily "Eleftheros Typos", according to which you allegedly favored the option for the division of Kosovo.

No, in a telephone talk I only said that we did not know concretely what was contained in the idea of dividing up Kosovo in the proportion of 85% to 15%, but that this could serve as a basis for negotiations. However, it is true that I do not believe borders to be sacrosanct. It is possible to talk of eventual corrections of Kosovo's borders when speaking of the communities of Leposavic and Zubin Potok, which are ethnically Serbian, but that implies talks on the joining to Kosovo of the communities of Presevo and Bujanovac in southern Serbia, which are inhabited solely by ethnic Albanians.

Veton Surroi recently resigned as president of the Parliamentary Party, and according to some rumors is preparing to leave for London, where he would work for the BBC's Albanian department. You recently started cooperating with the French radio (RFI). Is this just a coincidence, or are both you and Surroi quietly retiring from politics?

I can't speak for Surroi. But for myself, I would like it if those rumors were true.

Can we know the reasons?

Let's leave that for another time.