A Man From the Waiting Room

Consequentially, the divisions within Serbia only seem to be narrowing, primarily on a verbal level, whereas, in effect, they are threatening to take a dramatic turn. The Croatians are, on the other hand, getting more and more homogenous, to the point where they could arouse the envy of the ideologists of Serbian unity. Tudjman has managed to form the coalition government, something Milosevic has not yet attempted and is unlikely to have much success at. The only crack within the Croatian monolithic body is called Dobroslav Paraga. At the time of the elections his Croatian Rights Party included only a small number of extremists. The party was formed more because of Paraga's ambitions than because they could not join the Croatian Democratic Party. This is the very reason Paraga consented to enter the coalition with Tudjman whom he has now discredited, claiming that even the previous elections were controlled by UDBA (the Secret Service). Paraga has no counterpart in Serbia, although he is sometimes being compared to Mr. Vuk Draskovic (leader of the Serbian Renewal Party). The only similarity lies in the fact that Paraga is undoubtedly Tudjaman's biggest and the most radical opponent whereas in Serbia the most militant national extremists are next to Milosevic, Vuk Draskovic being the sole initiator of change in the midst of the general war chaos. Paraga's biography has significant similarities with Seselj's (leader of the National Radical Party and a Serbian extremist). He shares the same horrifying prisoner experience which exceeds the usual experience of this kind by a long shot. Seselj came out as an avenger who craves power, who has lost all regard for anyone and who is eager to start concentration camps where he would enjoy the star role of a prison guard. Paraga, on the other hand, came out as a fanatical catholic, probably firmly entrenched in his belief that God himself presented him with the most severe temptations to then entrust him with the big mission. He had been convicted ten years ago to nineteen years in prison, but has served only three, including the infamous Goli Otok (an island where the prison for political convicts was stationed). I met him in Belgrade a few years ago when the charges were brought against him concerning his articles about his prison years. He was released on parol, owing a great deal to the support of the liberal press from Belgrade and Slovenia, which he will readily admit even now. It was impossible to detect the future leader of the fascist phalanx in the shy clumsy guy that he used to be. But it would be important to remember that Dobroslav Paraga has ustashi links in his immediate family. The Independent State of Croatia is the ideal he is prepared to die for and the ideal he is equally ready to kill for. He already has two deaths to his name. During his first arrest, his friend and accomplice Ernest Brider threw himself from the window, probably because he was accusing Paraga in his dealings with the police. Paraga, in turn, accused the police for the murder of his friend, which could not be established. Another close ally of his, one of the CRP leaders was recently murdered in Zagreb, for which Paraga blamed the Croatian authorities. He could have been right in doing so, although it is difficult to assess in these turbulent times who is killing who and who is benefiting from it. Paraga, however, could not be unnerved and he has probably concluded again that he has been presented with a message from heaven which he interpreted in a way that suited him the most. This quiet but blood-thirsty Croatian fundamentalist, would, under the normal circumstances, be branded as a madman since it would be difficult to assess which organ would be competent for his case. In such circumstances he could have retreated to the convent of the strictest order and revel in his ascetic role. It seems that even the way he had been conducting his CPR and its army is marked more by personal sacrifice than by his pagan desire to revel in violence, blood and death. Strict religious practice forbids all pleasure whereas it overlooks all other offenses, which includes violence as well. Just as it is difficult to assess the Serbian paramilitary force, so it is difficult to evaluate the true extent of Paraga's military arsenal. Concerning his present conflict with the Croatian Democratic Party, the CRP is accused of banditry, lack of discipline and the tarnishing of the public image of Croatia. But the man in charge of the defence of Vukovar, known under the nickname of "Hawk", is claiming that Paraga's fighters form the core of the defence of Vukovar. There is bound to be truth in both. The defence of Vukovar, regardless of the outcome, will qualify for occupying the pride of place in the Croatian history, and the fanatical CRP gets the chance to show off. But, since in this war shame and glory go hand in hand, they are also the ones who have the upper hand in acts of violence and terror. Paraga's military is adding to the fascist image of Croatia, but would it have been at all possible without the fascists? Croatia has a more favourable climate in this respect: the war is, namely being waged on its territory. This is the reason the Croatian army is evidently better motivated, strengthened in its belief that it is defending its territories. But the Serbs in Croatia are finding it difficult to accept such a view. Territories are for both sides much more important and valuable, which is precisely the reason so many people are dying for it. This is the main source of disagreement with Europe and the so-called civilized world. The experience of past wars has strengthened Europe in its intention not to let another war over territories happen. That is the main idea concerning the European unity, which was launched immediately after the Second World war. The Serbs and the Croatians are now starting from scratch, picking up where they have left off half a century ago, giving rise to unpleasant memories. Moreover, the new European order has not been so firmly established to be in the position to tolerate such provocation. This explains the European fervor to put an end to this war. The international community will play a role which was played by communists and partisans in the last war, which in effect means that it will defeat both national armies. Europe will make all the necessary steps since it now cannot retreat until it finishes its business. If the war were to stop now, Serbia and Croatia would remain militarized, fascist, economically devastated and politically divided and torn apart and nationally frustrated to a degree unrecorded until now. All of this, of course, is better than continuing with the war, since it is going to happen anyway. The point here is that the war, since it has now become a reality, has to produce certain conflicting tendencies within the country itself, without which any outside intervention, no matter how strong would have little chance of success.

The way the things are going now Paraga is a threat to Tudjman, whom he is accusing of "opportunistic tendencies and willingness to compromise." Milosevic, on the other hand, is threatened by Babic (the President of SAO Krajina), Hadzic (the President of Baranja, Slavonija and Western Srem), Karadzic (the President of the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia) and Seselj (the leader of the National Radical Party) if he only dares to accept anything coming from the Hague. The most severe allegations Milosevic and Tudjman are faced with concern the fact that they are no energetic of successful enough in war affairs, but they both fear the most the following question: why were they involved in the war in the first place?

If Tudjman manages to stop Paraga and his party in their attempts, that will be the first extremists' defeat, which, until now, knew only for success. This will be the first sign that the sinister spiral of radicalism is being broken up and that some control is being established over the prevailing chaos. Dobroslav Paraga, the president of the Croatian Rights Party, previously known as the world fighter for human rights is bound to think that his rights have once again been violated. He, who had for years been searching for protection throughout the world, who used to spend hours at the doors of various American senators, who used to be the symbol of the communist terror, just like Seselj, won't arouse anybody's sympathy. But, this fighter for justice could yet finish off Tudjman.

It could be viewed as the ironic tragedy of communism that so many of its best known victims who were fighting for the right to think differently, who were working on its demise and were reducing it to ridicule should turn out to be such contemptuous individuals. Like the communist revolutionaries, the anticommunists also found it very easy to switch from angel to devil. The curse is on those who are persisting in a single aim, who are prepared to be persecuted for as long as their live for their beliefs, who only accept the "all or nothing" option, to whom the defence of their political beliefs is a matter of life and death.